Secrets of Voodooo - Rigaud Milo 1985

1

Origins and Elements oj Voodoo

To the uninitiated, Voodoo has long been thought of as a primitive form of magic and belief in ghosts. Most of what the average layman knows of Voodoo comes only from misleading use of it in Hollywood honor movies and in paperback thrillers that emphasize "witch doctors" or the sticking of pins in "Voodoo dolls."

But the fact is that Voodoo cm.:ompjsses an exceedingly complex religion and magic with complicated rituals and symbols that have developed for thousands of years-perhaps longer than any other of taday's established faiths. The heliever in Voodoo-and there are millions of blacks and some whites who practice it-tenters his hopes and fears as strongly on it as does a follower of Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, Of Islam. Indeed, the Haitian atmosphere seems ever im^ pregnated with it-as if with a rich, mystical aroma of Africa-to the extent that individuals as well as families :ire conscious of Voodoo's effect upon their lives with a curious mixture of glory and dread.

This book-the result of more than thirty years of study-will endeavor to bring the reader an understanding of thc innermost secrets and mysteries of Voodoo. But, before Liking you on visits to eerie midnight ceremonies, it is necessary to provide explanations of some of the elements and outward manifestations of Voodoo-many totally alien to white culture-so that you can better understand the meaning of what you will see and read.

The origin of the Voodoo rites has necessarily two aspects; the rites procced on the one hand from a supernatural origin, and on the other hand from a geographical origin. All aspects of the ritual must above all be considered secondary to the idea of the word Voodoo itself, which is sometimes spelled vo-dou or oo-du, since everything essential to tht! knowledge of the mystery is implicit in this word. The clearest explanation of this essential idea is that vo means "introspection" and du means "into the unknown." Consequently, the rituals form the sum total of this introspection; that is, they are the studied accomplishments that proceed from psychological information. Those who indulge in this introspection into the mystere (mystery) will comprehend not only the Voodoo gods, but also the souls of those who are the adepts and the servants of these gods. This is the only way in which the fruitful practice of the rites is possible to produce su- pernaturally extraordinary phenomena or magic.

The Voodoo rites, derived from the supernatural, proceed from the influence of the sun in the atmosphere. It would be difficult to enlarge upon this fundamental principle of Voodoo since not everyone is endowed with the ability to comprehend the esoterics of magic. Nevertheless, the effects of this supernatural agency can be observed during the course of Voodoo services, for every trained observer will fully appreciate a spectacle whose entire ceremonial pivots upon certain cult attributes that symbolize the sun.

The simplest and easiest proof that the sun is the axis upon which the entire Voodoo cult turns is the revelation that the principal attribute of solar magic is the post or pole that supports the center of the roof of the structure known as the peristyle of the oumphor, the Voodoo temple. The peristyle is the covered gallery of thatch or corrugated iron adjoining the holy of holies or oumphor proper. The roof is supported by a wooden centerpost, called the poteaumitan, which means to the initiates "solar support." This post is the axis of the rites. Everything in Voodoo rites has reference ultimately to the center-post. The post is an architectural representation of the chief Voodoo god Legba. The wood of the post denotes Mercury, the offspring of the stin and the god of the vegetable kingdom and shows that Mercury is at the same time the staff of Legba. Upon this staff the two serpents of the oum'phor must normally mount so as to be harmonized or be reunited by Mercury. Consequently, the central post of the Voodoo peri-styles is decorated with a spiral band of various colors symbolizing not only the colors of the rainbow but also the serpent gods Danb- halah and Aida Wedo. Furthermore, this sacred wood represents the structural material of the Temple of Jerusalem-the wood of Lebanon.

Near this post is kept the symbol of the moon, the Voodoo goddess Erzulie. This lunar symbol-a model boat-is suspended in the air from the ceiling to complete the Significance of the planetary origin of the rites.

In the practice of Voodoo magic, a lighted candle is often substituted for the post and the boat is represented by ritual water.

The Voodoo pantheon of gods is composed of loas (gods) that come from all parts of Africa. Tradition has it that the tenn vo-du is drawn from the language of the Fons. Other tribes that contributed Voodoo gods were the Nago people, the Ibos, Congos, Dahomeans, Senegalese, Haoussars, Caplaous, Mandinges, Mondongues, Angolese. Libyans, Ethiopians, and the Malgaches. Moreover, the names of these tribes generally serve to designate separate Voodoo rites themselves. For example, to serve the Mondongue gods, the Mondongue rite is followed, which, although it does not differ basically and fundamentally from the other rites, nevertheless appear.? superficially different. To serve the Ibo gods, the Ibo rite is celebrated. And this rite too is fundamentally related to the other rites although it may appear different. The Pethro rite, however, which belongs to another "nation" of Voodoo loas, is different from the other rites, being more of a fire ritual. And the rite par excellence is the Ra-Da or Rada-"the royal rite of the sun." Each rite has its distinctive characteristics, al though all rites generally speaking arise from the same source, have the same origin, and are completely integral.

The Voodoo rituals of the various tribes of Africa were commingled and modified as a result of the institution of slavery. Imagine, for example, a group of Aradas and of Ibos sold into slavery together. Either they had to combine their separate rites or else the dissimilarity of their rituals would impose upon them a cruel and mutual isolation in the heart of the new community to which the slave trade took them. The result of such tribal fusion was that the two different religious groups more or less combined their beliefs, thereby creating in the new slave community a Voodoo rite which to this day is not "pure."

Nevertheless, the members of certain tribes, however dispersed they may have been by the slave trade, were able (1) to regroup themselves despite wind and tide and preserve their own rites intact, Of (2) maintain the purity of their rites even while living in the midst of other tribes. For this reason true descendants of the Mondongues can still be found extant throughout Haiti, in whose midst are also found Peulh or Bambara elements. They have preserved their rite intact, as well as its true interpretation, despite racial intermingling.

The ritualism of Haitian Voodoo is, then, very diverse, and its distribution over regional zones of inBuence is a difficult and subtle matter. However, despite this diversity, all the rites are in complete agreement as to their chief gods and their practice of magic. Legba, unmistakably, is their solar prototype, the magical archetype, to the sdence and control of whom all the rituals have reference. All the rituals include Legba as the god who "opens the gate." Without him all magic is problematical if not actually unfeasible. A ritual commences with a chanted invocation to Papa Legba, the opening words of which are: "Papa Legba, Ouvri barrie pou ^nous passer (Open the way for us to pass)."

Voodoo sinks its roots of origin in the most brilliant and most remote civilizations. The Haitian Voodooist Her-Ra-Ma-EI wrote in his book The Daimons of the Voodoo Cult: "It is in vain that subtle processes have been employed to envelop in darkness the brilliant phases of the mental evolution of the Negro. Indisputably the antique Ethiopian.Egyptian-Assyrian civilization should be credited to its account. For thousands of years before the advent of Christ, Negro theologians and philosophers working together had organized types of academies dedicated to the study of the problems of the physical world and human destiny. All the theocratic legislation of Moses, that is, the social and religious codes contained in the Bible, bear the imprint of the sacred fonnulas of the Negro faith. . .

'The formation of the idea of religion implies beliefs about the formation of the world, about the soul, and about death. . . . Patient observations of celestial space and of the stars which throng the sky have given rise to that animism which holds that supernatural beings direct the movements of the stars, and from here primitive

intuition has lead to contemplations productive of myth and legend. From here also arose those sciences of observation at the head of which must be placed astronomy. The entire hieroglyphic system of Egypt is based upon the symbolic connection which exists between the various beings and the cosmic forces, between the beings and the (laws) of creation."

The word ^b, which means luws in French. is emphasized in the above context, inasmuch as it is more frequently spelled loa when used as a Voodoo tern. The lois, (the "Jaws of creation") create the leas (animistic spirits) in visible manifestations such as plants, animals. and men, hut chiefly as ancestors, because Voodoo is essentially a cult of ancestor worship. The Africans, believing that the manes (souls) of the dead reascend to the heavens, identified them with the stars. For this reason Her-Ra-Ma-EI continues, "The beliefs about the soul and about death have naturally given rise to the Cult of the Dead, which in t^rc leads to the deification of human souls. Souls thus deified, or, as it were, canonized after death used to be called daimons by the Greeks. All of these manifestations of religious feeling have not failed to create a body of rites and cult ceremonies, together with appropriate symbols, or to employ all manner of paraphernalia likely to capture the popular imagination, a necessary factor in the recruiting of the greatest possible number of neophytes."

Our attention is thus fixed upon the practical process that, proceeding from the invisible to the world of men, has lead the Voodoo adepts to the rites of magic. As far as the Voodoo rites themselves are concerned, the supernatural origin of the process is the same. It now remains to consider by what accident or by what extraordinary series of occurrences the Voodoo rites were carried over to Haitian soil.

The slave trade extended from the coasts of Africa to both American continents. All the Antilles were deluged with blacks from the holds of the slave ships. They were scattered throughout the United States, but particularly in the Deep South. Brazil received a large number, as did the island of Hispaniola, which later became Haiti. The enforced immigration of black slaves from all the various African tribal populations-Anmines, Fons, Dahomeans, Yoroubas, Congos, Senegalese, and Sudanese-became inconceivably confused. In transplanting these disinherited black Africans among the colonists, the whites refwed to believe that they would retain an unquenchable

in the new slave community a Voodoo rite which to this day is not "pure."

Nevertheless, the members of certain tribes, however dispersed they may have been by the slave trade, were able (1) to regroup themselves despite wind and tide and preserve their own rites intact, or (2) maintain the purity of their rites even while living in the midst of other tribes. For this reason true descendants of the Mondongues can still be found extant throughout Haiti, in whose midst are also found Peulh or Bambara elements. They have preserved their rite intact. as well as its true interpretation, despite racial intenningling.

The ritualism of Haitian Voodoo is, then, very diverse, and its distribution over regional zones of in8uence is a difficult and subtle matter. However, despite this diversity, all the rites are in complete agreement as to their chief gods and their practice of magic. Legba, unmistakably, is their solar prototype, the magical archetype, to the science and control of whom all the rituals have reference. All the rituals include Legba as the god who "opens the gate." Without him all magic is problematical if not actually unfeasible. A ritual commences with a chanted invocation to Papa Legba, the opening words of which are: "Papa Legba, Ouvri barrie pou ^nous passer (Open the way for us to pass)."

Voodoo sinks its roots of origin in the most brilliant and most remote civilizations. The Haitian Voodooist Her-Ra-Ma-El wrote in his book The Daimons of the Voodoo Cult: "It is in vain that subtle processes have been employed to envelop in darkness the brilliant phases of the mental evolution of the Negro. Indisputably the antique Ethiopian-Egyptian-Assyrian civilization should be credited to its account. For thousands of years before the advent of Christ, Negro theologians and philosophers working together had organjzed types of academies dedicated to the study of the problems of the physical world and human destiny. All the theocratic legislation of Moses, that is, the social and religiOUS codes contained in the Bible, bear the imprint of the sacred formulas of the Negro faith. . .

"The formation of the idea of religion implies beliefs about the formation of the world, about the soul, and about death. . . . Patient observations of celestial space and of the stars which throng the sky have given rise to that animism which holds that supernatural beings direct the movements of the stars, and from here primitive

intuition has lead to contemplations productive of myth and legend. From here also arose those sciences of observation at the head of which must be placed astronomy. The entire hieroglyphic system of Egypt is based upon the symbolic connection which exists between the various beings and the cosmic forces, between the beings and the (laws) of creation,"

The word ^w, which means laws in French, is emphasized in the above context, inasmuch as it is more frequently spelled loa when used as a Voodoo terro. The lois, (the "laws of creation") create the Was (animistic spirits) in visible manifestations such as plants, animals, and men, but chiefly as ancestors, because Voodoo is essentially a cult of ancestorworship. The Africans, believing that the manes (souls) of the dead reascend to the heavens, identified them with the stars. For this reason Her-Ra-Ma-El continues, "The beliefs about the soul and about death have naturally given rise to the Cult of the Dead, which in t^rc leads to the deification of human souls. Souls thus deified, or, as it were, canonized after death used to be called daimane by the Greeks. All of these manifestations of religiOUS feeling have not failed to create a body of rites and cult ceremonies, together with appropriate symbols, or to employ all manner of paraphernalia likely to capture the popular imagination, a necessary factor in the recruiting of the greatest possible number of neophytes."

Our attention is thus fixed upon the practical process that, proceeding from the invisible to the world of men, has lead the Voodoo adepts to the rites of magic. As far as the Voodoo rites themselves are concerned, the supernatural origin of the process is the same. It now remains to consider by what accident or by what extraordinary series of occurrences the Voodoo rites were carried over to Haitian soil.

The slave trade extended from the coasts of Africa to both American continents. All the Antilles were deluged with blacks from the holds of the slave ships. They were scattered throughout the United States, but particularly in the Deep South. Brazil received a large number, as did the island of Hispaniola, which later became Haiti. The enforced immigration of black slaves from all the various African tribal populations-Anmines, Fons, Dahomeans, Yoroubas, Congos, Senegalese, and Sudanese-became inconceivably confused. In transplanting these disinherited black Africans among the colonists, the whites refused to believe that they would retain an unquenchable faith in their gods. However, there occurred something approaching the miraculous; for, even in irons and bound to the colonial plantations, the transplanted blacks invoked not only their own gods, but began patiently to install various Voodoo rites other than their own in the lands of their bondage. Thus a curious moral consequence of the slave trade was the exaltation of the African religion by an increase of faith in the Voodoo divinities.

The Voodoo rites originally derived from Africa spread to Haiti, to Cuba, to Brazil, and even to sections of the United States. The African ritual areas of Voodoo in Haiti extend north, south, east, and west, as also ill the Dominican Republic, and from one end of Cuba to the other. All the islands of the West Indies have such areas: the Bahamas, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, the Bennudas, and Trinidad. And in the United States, Voodoo is practiced in Florida and the regions surrounding Charleston, New Orleans, and Galveston.

The ritual areas of the Voodoo cult in Haiti, according to infonna- tion collected in the field by Odette Mennesson-Rigaud, are the following: the Nago populations generally inhabit the north, though not exclUSively, and their ritual is more or less pure. The Ibos tend to live in the southwest. The Congos, protecting their ritual insofar as possible from any alteration, have preferred to reestablish themselves between the Artibonite valley and the northwest, and in the south in the valley of Jacmel. The Dahomeans are found in the vicinity of Gonaives, in the same region as the Congo tribes. The Anmine or Mina tribes are in the Artibonite. The Mondongues prefer Leogane and its environs in the southwest. The Mandingues live generally in the north as far as Cap Haitien. The African tribe most typical of the race, whose brilliant Rada ritual derives from the solar tradition, is established for the most part in the region northeast of Port-au-Prince, the Cul-de-Sac Plain. Rada (or Arada) is the tribe of Gaou-Guinou, the Arada king, an ancestor of Toussaint L'Ouverture, the Haitian liberator. The Arada tribe likewise produced the mother of General Andre Rigaud, Toussaint L'Ouverture's rival in the South, Her name was Rose, and she was an Arada Negress.

In the early days of black slavery in America the Voodoo priests carried on their profession without attracting much attention. But in time the "possessions," or mystical seizures that occurred in the slave huts, the veiled sounds of a few conical drums. as well as the desire for indepedence kindled even in exile by a kind of patriotism, attracted the attention of the masters. They reacted with ferocity. prohibiting all practice of Voodoo. Slaves found in possession of any symbol of Voodoo were punished with lashings, imprisonments, hangings, and "blanchings" (Saying alive a disobedient slave by laying bare with a knife the subcutaneous white tissues). So it was that the slave system succeeded in destroying in nearly all the Haitian black people the feeling and taste for making sculptures of clay or wood-an art highly integrated in other black cultures and civilizations-to the extent that it is nearly impossible to find anywhere in Haiti a single local sculpture representing an amulet or a fetish of any kind. However, none of the punishments could extinguish that faith which the transplanted blacks kept in their Voodoo gods.

The religious struggle against Voodoo continued for at least three centuries to be waged openly by the organized whites who employed all the highest refinements of cruelty, while the blacks used every possible secret ruse to protect Voodoo. This battle for their faith resulted not only in the extreme exasperation of the Voodooists, but also convinced them of the necessity of recovering with all their might their complete independence. In the beginning, the black slaves could believe that the period of their enslavement was limited, but at length they lost this illusion and priests of Voodoo consulted the gods to learn through supernatural revelations how the religious and political battle would have to be waged in order to be won.

The Voodoo gods superintended the occult government of the African clan that formed the work force of the slave system. This government, wonderfully concealed though real, was directed by the supernatural spirits who were consulted like financial advisors for a "yes" or a "no." The colonial system itself suffered terribly as a .sort of imperceptible malingering encouraged by the Voodoo gods slowed the forced work of the slaves and retarded the economy porportion- ately. If the native Indians chose to he completely annihilated rather than to apply themselves to clever deceptions, the Africans surreptitiously and cunningly were preparing for better days ahead, devoting themselves to the task with a determination guarded by their gods. Thus, despite the cruelty of the whites, the struggle of the blacks continued its obscure course in Haiti under the supernatural auspices of the Voodoo gods until eventually Haitian black independence was won in 1^M.

The Oum'phor

The oum'phor is the temple of Voodoo. It closely resembles the design iis(’(l hy Moses to build the Ark of the Covenant and the taber- iiadi’ as described in Exodus. It consists of a large area, covered or uncovered, called a peristyk, in the middle of which is a center-post cailed a poteau-mitan. Adjoining the peristyle on one side is a square house that is the aum'phar proper, or holy of holies.

In the Voodoo tradition Moses was initiated into Voodoo and perfected his knowledge as a student of the black Midianite teacher Ra-Gu-El Pethro (Jethro). The tradition relates that Moses became the husband of Pethro's daughter Sephora. who bore two mulatto sons by him: Gershom, whose name means I dwell in a foreign country. and EIi-Ezer, whose name means Help of God. The tradition goes on to say that Aaron and Miriam, the brother and sister of Moses, complained that he never should have married a black, and so to please them Moses finally repudiated Sephora. When Moses built the first Hebrew temple, according to Voodooists, he planted his staff in the place occupied by the poteau-mitan in the oum'phor. The gods of Voodoo were so angry at Moses' repudiation of Sephora and Voodoo, according to the tradition, that they "struck Miriam with white leprosy."

The oum'phor in Haiti is said to have retained the same fonn as the one used by Pethro in the land of Midian or Ethiopia.

In the square house that is the oum'phor proper, there may be one or more chambers. One room, called the djeT;o, is where Voodoo candidates are examined and initiated. This room represents a tomb, because the Voodoo initiate "dies'" and is reborn when he becomes an adept of the cuit.

In a large oum'phor of several chambers, each may be reserved for the worship of a single Voodoo god, each having its own separate altar dedicated to that god. Or, in a smaller oum'phor, all the gods may be worshipped in a single holy of holies with several altars, each consecrated to a particular god. A colored hanging may be used to separate the holy of holies chamber into two parts: an antichamber and the place of worship itself. On the interior walls of the Dum'phor there are elaborate ritual designs called t;eves.

The Pe

The altar or altar stone in a Voodoo temple is called the pe. It is a square or rectangular platform raised to about the height of a man's chest. Its name comes from the Dahomey word kpe, meaning stone. Upon the pe arc a fantastic assortment of objects related to Voodoo and its rites. These include ritual rattles, bells, thunderstones with supernatural powers, flags, magic arms, chaplets, ritual necklaces, books on occultism, and even drums. In addition thefe arc many covered jars and pots. Some of these jam, called pots-de-tete, contain by magic part of the spirits of the people who worship at the oum'phor. Other jars are goiAs into which the Voodoo gods descend for consultation when called.

At the heart of the Voodoo religion is the sacred serpent Danbhalali Wedo Ye-H-we, and in earlier times the altar was constructed with a hollow interior as a dwelling place for a live snake whose body was inhabited by the god. Today few oum'phors literally harbor a serpent. and in those that do the snake no longer is kept inside the pe but lives in a hole in the ground or in a place prepared for it. Today when Danbhalah is called, he comes to dwell briefly in a govi on the altar.

The Peristyle

The peristyle is the partly enclosed and usually roofed courtyard adjacent to the holy of holies of the oumphor. It is the place were the elaborate mass ceremonies and rituals of Voodoo are performed, and it also is the place where the sick usually are treated.

The floor is of beaten earth and is never paved or tiled. A low wall four to five feet tall borders the peristyle. Curious spectators who are not well known at the oum'phor, or persons not properly dressed for the occasion, may stand behind the wall and still see what goes on in the peristyle without making themselves too conspicuous.

There are benches in the peristyle on which members of the cum'^ phar may sit. Often a small ship model hangs from one of the crossbeams of the peristyle roof-the ritual symbol of Voodoo's most important goddess, Erzulie. Other' objects hanging from the crossbeams include calabashes, baskets, oriflammes, and Wiers, a kind of woven tray.

The Haitian oum'phor always has a picture of the president of the country displayed in the peristyle. This practice probably derives from the fact that African kings held their offices by divine right of the Voodoo gods, but it also serves to soften the enforcement of legal restrictions against Voodoo. On the occasion of large ceremonies garlands of small flags are hung from the crossbeams of the peristyle roof. These Rags bear the red and blue colors and the arms of the Haitian republic.

A perpetual fire burns in the oum'phor yard in the center of which is planted an iron bar, traditionally fallen from the sky as a symbol of cosmic sexual desire. This bonfire is called the forge of the Ogous and has considerable ritual significance.

The Poteau-mitan

In the exact center of the peristyle is its most important feature- the center-post, or poteau-mitan. All important Voodoo ceremonies revolve around this post, the top of which is considered the center of the sky and the bottom of which is the center of hell.

The post itself is usually square and it is set into a circular pedestal of masonry. Around the side of the pedestal, or socle, there are triangular niches. The pedestal may be constructed of two or three concentric steps, or even of a single step. The pedestal is a form of pe, or altar, on which sacrifices to the gods may be placed.

The entire length of the post from floor to ceiling is decorated with a spiral design representing two serpent-gods: Danbhalah Wedo and Aida Wedo, the latter of which represents all the knowledge of the gods. The colors of this decoration vary from one oum'phor to another depending upon the rites an gods served by it members.

The wooden post itself represents the chief god of Voodoo-Legba Ati-Bon, whose name means wood of ;ustice.

Hung on the side of the center-post is a whip. This whip symbolizes the obligation of penitence as well as redemption from penitence. Its spirit is implicit in the recreation of the material of the ritual sacrifice offered to the gods in propitiation, and it represents the occult sense of the command, magical or otherwise. Thus, the whip stands for both faith in and mastery of Voodoo,

The post is placed in the center of the peristyle because it is the cosmic Mir of Voodoo magic. In conjunction with the horizontal of its socle, the poteau-mitan, as the vertical, forms a cross, whose peripheral dimensions make regularly and magically the perfect square. This geometric perfection maintained in every peristyle leads to its being considered the Master of Magic.

Actually, the peristyle forms geometrically the following (1) the mitan, or center-the non-dimensional point; (2) the rectangle, or lengthened square; (3) the circle; (4) the triangle; (5) the straight, horizontal line; (6) the spiral; (7) the curved, horizontal line; (8) the round, vertical line; (9) the square, vertical line; (10) the perfect square; (11) the cross, or intersecting straight lines; (12) the equilateral and the isosceles triangle, formed by the beams which secure the post to the roof.

This geometric scheme carries out the Voodoo belief that the serpent-god Danbhalah corresponds to the Grand Cosmic Architect, or Great Architect of the Universe, who is the Grand Master of Magic —demonstrating that the chief god is first of all a geometrician.

There are exceptions to the location of the poteau-mitan in the very center of the peristyle. I have even seen a few peristyles with two posts dividing the peristyle area into three equal parts. Elsewhere, in the region of Gonaives in northwest Haiti, I have even seen the post located not in the center of the peristyle, but rather in the center of the oum'phor proper.

There is this to remember: a Voodoo temple may even have no visibk poteaurmilan, but will have, nevertheless, an invinble one. This is true in the case of the remarkable Dahomean oum'phor of La Souvenance. The peristyle-one of the largest, if not the largest I have seen—has a roof supported on all sides by two rows of posts inside and out, fonnine; a double colonnade. Inside, the poteau-mitan is pu^wsely replaced by a raised decagonal figure nailed to the exact center of the ceiling, making a star-shaped ceiling!

The Tree Reposoirs

The trees in the yard of the oum'phor are called TeposoiTS, or oTbres- TeposoiTS. They serve as sanctuaries for the gods. The gods abide in them pennanently, and the trees themselves are honored as divinities. There is usually a pedestal or basin encircling the foot of the tree. Square or triangular niches are recessed into the pedestal and in them lighted candles are often placed, surrounded by consecrated food offered in sacrifice.

Frequently a snake, the symbol of Danbhalah Wedo and Aida Wedo, lives in one of the trees. Such snakes are trained to come down from the trees during ceremonies to be fed by the Voodooists.

The reposoirs are decorated and even painted with the favorite colors of the gods to whom they belong. Ritual dances frequently are held around the trees, and on such occasions the Voodoo drums are brought out of the peristyle and placed close by.

Heaps of stones also may serve the gods as reposoirs. As a rule, a Voodoo god can require any object at all to be consecrated to its use as a reposoir, even the body or the heart of an individual.

Flag bearers during a voodoo ceremony.

A voodo-sih (voodoo adept) pot sessed by a loa (v^oodoo spirit).

Ritualflagbome by a boun'sih (flag bearer).

Ritual Congo drums.

Author with houn'sih and Pethro drums.

Ritual Rada drums (also used for Danhomey ritual).

Pethro drums ritually presented to the Sun by houn'sih.

Pethro drums laid down before the Central Post.

Asson (in wrought iron).

Ritual ogan.

Asson and ritual hand-bell.

Ceremonial dishes and pitchers.

Wrought iron figures of the voodoo spirits, Danhhalah and Aida.

Worshippers during a voodoo ceremony

'TheCentral Post, surrounded by voodoo diagrams.

11,,11 tied to the Central Post, before the sacrifice.

Houn'gan (voodoo priest) saluting the loa Legba.

I 'tt litional bag of Legba, hung up  Icmporary altar tree.

Ceremonial dishes for Mara^ spirits

Inner part of a oum'phor. The ship of Agoueh is on the wall.

ST B’

Ceremonial diagram (veve) drawn around the hole which the sacri6ce will buried.

Houn'gan officiating in the oum'phor yard.

The traditional ship of Enulie.

Rada drums hung from the ceiling of the voodoo peristyle.

2

Priests and Priestesses 0/ Voodoo

UnLIKE other established religions, there is no heirarchy of bishops, archbishops, cardinals, or a pope in Voodoo. Each oum'phor is a law unto itseU, following the traditions of Voodoo, but modifying and changing the ceremonies and rituals in various ways. This is because the religious leaders of the oum'phor speak directly with the gods of Voodoo, and are not obliged to answer to anyone else to interpret what the gods tell them. Thus, the structure of Voodoo can best be understood by the layman if he would consider how similar and how different each individual Roman Catholic church would be if for thousands of years each priest had been free to interpret Christianity as he saw fit without any intervention by Rome.

Each oum'phor has two organizational structures; one for the reli gious leaders, and the other for the lay members. The man or woman who is the chief religious leader of a Voodoo temple is considered royalty. If a man, the emperor of the oum'phor is called a houngan. If a woman, the empress of the oum'phor is called a roam'bo. Their symbol of office is the asson, a calabash rattle. Following are the other roles in the religious structure of the oum'phor.

The apprentice houn'gun or mambo is called the confoance or mambo caille.

The superintendent of the oum'phor is the hounguenicon caille.

The chorus leader is the- Iioun'f!.uenicon peristyle.

The person in charge of separating and distributing the portion of sacrificial food not reserved for the gods is called the hounguenicon quartier-maitre.

The master of ceremonies for the Voodoo rites is called la plnce.

The person who plays a musical instrument called the ogan is the ogantier. The musician who play the triangle is the trumglier.

The Voodoo drummers as a group are called houn'tOrguiers; but each has a title—manmanier, secondier, and houlahier.

The person in charge of preserving order during services and insuring silence while the houn'gan or mambo works is called the reine silence.

The person who acquires animals to be sacrificed is the hounsih ventailleur. And the person who cooks the sacrificed offerings is the hounsih cuisinUre.

The members of the ritual chorus who have heen fully initiated in Voodoo are called hounsihs.

Those who may or may not have been initiated but who have not yet been fully refashioned by the Voodoo gods are called houn'sih bossales.

Surrounding the oum'phor as a kind of social annex and mutual aid enterprise is the local Voodoo Society. It has officers with titles like those of a national government. It has a preSident, ministers, senators, deputies, generals, a secretary of state, and district and local commanders.

The Voodoo Societies organize festivities that are partly Voodoo, partly secular. They lend assistance to sister-societies. They maintain a mystical solidarity established in the Voodoo social body from the beginning of the tradition. Their true traditional function is to alleviate the sufferings, moral as well as phYSical, of their members, to attend to their wounds, both physical and metaphYSical, to protect their members, to punish the guilty, and to bury the dead whose close relatives are unable to do so. However, this half-mystical, halfsocial tradition of mutual aid has lost much of its old-time effectiveness and close observance.

The Houn'gan and the Mam'bo

The role of the houD’gaii or mam'bo goes beyond every definition ;’iid every ordinary conception of it. To better judge the role of these mipcrors and empresses of Voodoo, one should not compare them io the priests or priestesses of any other religion. Instead, their role "’iii only be compared to that of the Pope in Roman Catholicism. On first consideration, the comparison seems daring and exaggerated; [’lit, all things considered, the comparison is not extravagant inasmuch is, while the Roman pope's area of jurisdiction is far more extensive I h’liL that of any houn'gan, according to the voodoo cabal the houn- 'j';1il is also etymologically a "pope," or a "papa," and that is why he i\ traditionally called "papa," or "papa-loa." For the same reason 1’i’ery priestess, or "mambO," is called "manman" (mama).

The authority of the houn'gan and the mam'bo is all the greater and ,ill th!’ more certain because everything they do proceeds directly hom the powers of the invisible-the loas or mysteres, as the gods of Viwdoo are called. Their orders or their counsels are those of the loas, "wI. hy extension, of the souls of ancestors, or manes, since Voodoo i’. a religion of ancestor worship.

Since the process that permits the soul to attain all of its intellectual power is astrological, the science of the houn'gan turns upon the .I;us. Therefore, a houn'gan's or a mam'bo's science is fallible only in- ""L,r as he or she does not know how to consult an invisible, or can- i<ioi, for one reason or another, enter into communion with the in- \ 1%"h1(’.

Iii these pages we could mention a great number of houn'gans ,,"nntly practicing in Haiti. Some of them have a certain amount of ,oI"liiy; however, many others have only mediocre magical power. l'I,i\ leads to two situations that are bad for Voodoo. First, for some Ih,w there has been far too great a number of houn'gans because life i" Haiti offers people too few other rewarding careers. Consequently, i,"ti""t(’s to the lower grades of voodoo are too often tempted to "take iI,.. assmn" (the traditional expression for "becoming a houn'gan"), lio’i-aiise this profession is rather lucrative and much respected by the "" "1,1c. Secondly, as a result these houn'gans and mambOs, far too """ii’wus as they are, often are overly prone to conform to new stan- o1"f,[\ imposed upon them by the perpetual struggle between Voodoo and hostile foreign religions or the political power that aids them. This produces a syncretism of a low order to which too many oum'phors have surrendered either for purposes of immediate interests or Qut of cowardice, in fear of the political authority that has closed ODe or another cum'phar at the demand of the foreign clergy.

Consequently the supernatural gifts which the loa-ancestors confer upon the initiates of Voodoo become fewer or diminish in magical power because the manes, when confronted by such offenses against the orthodox tradition become angry. and one after the other with draw to Africa, abandoning Haiti to itself. This is how houn'gans or roam'bos sometimes lose their powers, even fall ill, and, without making rigid sacrifices. are unable to regain their positions.

The Voodoo mysteres require much greater skill and seriousness from the houn'gaii and the mambos than they do from the rest of the people since all Haitians, in accordance with the tradition of the loas, are magically placed under the jurisdiction of the Voodoo priests. The slightest failure on the part of the priests injures not only those subject to this jurisdiction but the mysteres themselves, because the uninitiated as well as the enemies of the cult are always on the lookout for false indications of its ineffectiveness or indeed of its demonism.

The Voodoo houn'gan or mambo is the confessor, doctor, magician, confidential advisor to individuals and to families, to politicians, and even financial advisor to people of highest as well as those of lowest estate. He is a prophet, too, of such a sort that scarcely anything is done without his advice in the community where he is the central figure. In the oum'phor he presides over everything that is done. Here his authority is absolute.

The amount of his knowledge is truly astonishing. The moment his own knowledge fails, he consults the loas in order to increase it. However, it is not only by summoning the loas that he is able to see them. He also often beholds them in dreams or by a supernatural percipient ability based upon sciences such as palmistry, fortunetelling by cards, fire, water, or figure-drawings, in which he is often an expert.

The houn'gan or the mambo leans upon the pe or altar when, shut up in the oum'phor, he or she calls the loas into the gOl;i (a jar into which the mysteres descend when called). The loas enter these receptacles from which they may then speak not only with houn'gan hut even with any who happen to be present. However, the "papa" secludes himself in the chamber that serves as the holy of holies, and it is there, out of sight even of the initiates, that he asks the loas to ('orne down into the gavi. He accomplishes this by certain traditional magic words that, to the persistent rhythm of the assaD. attract the mysteres from the astral zones of the invisible.

The ^35on

The asson, the calabash rattle that is the symbol of office of the houn'gan or mam'bo. usually is called a ritual rattle by ethnologists. Iii any case, the asson is a calabash taken from the calebassier coo- fiint tree, which is the tree-reposoir par excellence of the great mys- It re Danbhalah-Wedo. The calebasse ordinaire is pierced with a hole to receive a handle. This is called the coua.coua, and is used by the lesser officiants at rites other than the Pethro, The calebasse courante has a natural handle, The cGUa^coua is the asson of the Pethro rite. While the calebasse courante grows on a liana, the calebasse ordinnire grows on a tree, the crescentia cujete (bignoniaceae),

It may be noted that the solar tradition of the great invisibles of Ethiopia ascribes the calebassier courant to Danbhalah as his re^ pmoir, while Haitian initiates follow an altered version of orthodox leaching which holds that the calebasse ordinnire climbs upon the ,’\s(’nce (i.e. the tree) consecrated to the mystere. There is some times controversy in Voodoo over this kind of adaptation of symbols. For example, whereas the solar tradition attributes the boat to Erzu lip (the Virgin), in Haitian oum'phors the boat is made the magical ;dtrihute of Agoiieh, the marine husband of Erzulie,

The houn'gan or the mambO traditionally holds the asson in his hand, along with the clochette, or bell, which represents the magic powers of the Occident, or Ethiopia, The asson is held between the light thumb and index finger; the bell between the ring.finger and the second finger.

The fruit of the calebassier courant and the calebassier ordinnire has heen chosen as an attribute and a symbol of command, because, it H’Hects geometrically the magic principle, that is, the elevation or tlU' assumption of the raw material of the sacrifices which propitiants deposit ritually upon the socle of the poteau-mitan, The asson or cale^ basse courante makes a perfect geometric symbol in that by itsel£- its metaphysical symbol being the abyss and chasm-it represents a sphere or perfect circle; furthermore, it grows its own handle. a fact which, in the symbolic geometric, signifies that the calabash itself is controlled by the straight line fonned by the handle.

In reality. by the sphere or the circle, plus the handle which symbolizes the poteau-mitan or the vertical, the asson becomes a geometric synergy combining the two activating principles of all magic: the magic wand. which is the handle, and the magic circle.

Inside the asson are stones and the vertebrae of snakes which give the asson its sound. These stones and vertebrae are considered bones of the African ancestors worshipped in Voodoo. So the bones and vertebrae make the calabash a musical instrument for ritual power. When the asson "speaks," the sacred spirits of the ancestors appear. In Africa, the snake whose vertebrae are used to symbolize the ancestors is the Royal Python, which represents the eternity of life. The stones inside the asson are of eight different kinds to represent eight different ancestor-gods and are of eight different colors since the eight means eternity.

Therefore, the sound of the asson represents magically the powers of the ancestors from whom Voodoo is handed down. This element of the orthodox tradition is the vertebra of the snake, since the mystere Danbhaklh Wedo is supposedly the oldest of the ancestors, and because the snake is Da or Dan, Dam, Don, or Dam. The vertebrae, which are carefully strung in accordance with a special magical rite followed in preparing the asson, represent all the astral powers or all the powers of ancestors who are identified with the ttOlS, at the head of which the Sun (Legba) and the Moon (Erzulie) magically preside.

Furthennore, the asson is surrounded with a network of porcelain beads of all colors. These beads. too, have a certain significance: they represent all the atmospheric powers of Erzulie, that is to say. all the powers of the solor prism consolidated color-wise by the symbol of the mystere Erzulie on the "point-couleuvre-Aida-Wido"—the rainbow.

Owing to all of these geometric. chromatic, and magical virtues, the asson is considered the traditional image of the Orient. Prepared correctly. it should contain all the magic powers of the Orient. And inasmuch as the Orient, in practical magic, is the master of the astral, the asson has under its command all the loas or occult powers of the astral ancestors which we shall presently discover under the fonns of the Voodoo veves or ceremonial diagrams. For this reason onc may M’c the houo'gao strike these ritual designs: he strikes the veves with the asson to release the astral power and then to utilize it.

T^^g the ^Asn

In Voodoo, the place in Africa where the spirits abide is the astral ,-ily of lie; and in Haiti the place where the Voodoo ancestral spirits have come to dwell since the days of slavery is La Ville Aux Camps. I11 He, therefore the dty of the Voodoo spirits' origin, resides the totality of magic powers personified by the mystcre Danbhalah. So it is natural that for a person to acquire the magic powers of Voodoo, ritually enacted in the prise d'asson or "asseD-taking" ceremony, the candidate for the Voodoo priesthood must go and take the asson at Ift' in Africa by traveling logically via the line of the center-post that traverses the asson's magic circle.

The center-post is therefore called by its analogical surname of liipa Loko Ati-sou Poun'goueh, so named because the recipient must traverse the waters of the abyss (poun'goueh) in order to reach Africa ;ii the vertical direction of the celestial city, Miitre Grand Bois. Therefore, by analogy and homophony, the future houn'gan is taken by his initiators, older houn'gan, to a large wooded place (grand bois ill French, phazoun in African). He is brought here to receive the asson; then he is lead to another kind of "large wood," namely the wooden cross of Baron Samedi, lord of the cemetery, to obtain the Liner's approval.

In any event, just as the whole system of the i’e has changed while Ill!’ old principle has been retained in the gOt;i, the ritual prescribed lor candidates for the asson is very complex. It is complex because, like initiation into the Masonic Lodge, it partakes more of the nature >( an initiatory examination than of an occult performance. It is to lht’ interest of the initiating houn'gans to increase the elaborateness "f I he essential ritual by multiplying its complexities, thereby lining Iheir own purses.

Since our purpose is to describe the true. original. revealed Voodoo, \\,<’ shall omit all discussion of these complexities-even though their \pectacular charm is certainly undeniable-in order to set forth the secret of the original ceremonial. This is the requisite ceremonial for creating a new houn'gan, that is to say. for conferring upon him supernatural powers by means of the assaD, provided, of course, that the houn'gans participating as initiators are true descendants of the authentic line whose lirst member was Dan Goo himself, lord of the astral.

The future houn'gan presents himself to an older houn'gan, the authentic representative of the ancestors or of the serpent-ancestor, and requests that the office of houn'gan be conferred upon him. If the candidate is already a houn'gan's apprentice, and is accordingly a member of his cum'phor, he requests his teacher to confer the asson upon him. The older houn'gan requests the assistance of two other houn'gans-the oldest he can find-by virtue of the esoteric prescription that holds that three masons together form a regular lodge. However, he may be assisted by six houn'gans, thus fonning a solar or perfect lodge.

The houn'gan in charge requires the candidates to spend a period of purification in a chamber adjoining the oum'phor proper, called the d;evo, the chamber from which initiates into the voodoo cult make their entrance. The period of purification is determined, or should be, in principle, by the occult number of the mystere whose "point" the hooo'ior, or candidate, is couche, or "put to bed." If the candidate is couche upon the "point" of Legba, the period is seven days; if of Erzu- lie, six days. The cooche of the houn'ior corresponds to the prostration of the cardinals at St. Peter's, in Rome. The cardinals lie prostrate (cooche) for a ceremony in the course of which they receive the cardinal hat. In Haiti, a houn'ior "put to bed" upon the "houn'gan-point," remains twenty-one days in the d;evo, which corresponds to the virtues of the Solar Seven multiplied by the Three of the Holy Trinity.

After the purification in the djeoo, the houn'gan, in a kind of litany of the saints, invokes all the Voodoo mysteres, the assisting houn'gan giving the responses. Part of the initiation ceremony follows:

First houn'gan:

Ma'p di ou banjou, I bid you good morning, Papa Legba Ati Bon Kata- Papa Legba Ati Bon Data-rou- rouleau;   leau;

ma'p di ou banjou, I bid you good morning,

Papa Loko Ati Dan Poun'- goueh Ibo Loko;

ma'p di ou bonjou.

Papa Danbhalah Wedo;

ma'p di ou bonjou,

Papa Ogou, Ogou-Fer, Ogou Chango;

ma'p di ou bonjou,

Afrique Guinin Tocan Dahoumin.

Papa Loko Ati Dan Poun'goueh Ibo Loko;

I bid you good morning, Papa Danbhalah Wedo;

I bid you good morning,

Papa Ogou, Ogou-Fer, Ogou Chango;

I bid yoii good morning, Afrique Guinin Tocan Dahoumin.

Before speaking the houn'gan orients and casts some water to the 1om cardinal points. Then, pointing out the candidate for the asson, Ii<’ says:

Main X, ce pitit ou qui vie ou; Ii di ce pitit ou, Afrique Tocan. Aida Wedo Tocan Dahoumin, ce tout

Guinin

Ii yeo Li ce cheval Marassah, Tocan Freda Wedo.

Behold X, he is your child who desires Y0ti; he says he is your child,

Afrique Tocan. Aida Wedo

Tocan Dahoumin, he is completely African,

he is. He is the Marassah's horse. Tocan Freda Wedo.

Iksponse:

I.i di ce pitit ou,

Afrique Tocan. Aida Wedo

Tocan Dahoumin, ce tout Cuinin

Ii ye. Li ce cheval Marassah, Tocan Freda Wedo.

He says he is your child, Afrique Tocan. Aida Wedo Tocan Dahoumin, he is completely African,

he is. He is the Marassah's horse, Tocan Mreda Wedo.

Tlii’ officiating houn'gan again orients and casts water on the i'.ioiihiI, saying:

1 )10-13. passee . . . The water has been passed through . .

Ilcspon.se:

I )jo-h\ passee . The water has been passed through . . .

The future honn'gan is then possessed by a loa. The officiant continues:

Ce Ian Guinin iious ye . . . We are in Africa . . .

Drunk with the loa who has "mounted" • him, the future houn'gan

• The person who is "mounted" is called a chMl;al, or "I>or:;e" of the gu<l.

replies:

Ma'p suive ou, Papa moin ... (I will follow you, my Father ...)

The future houn'gan is obliged to recline upon the ground. entirely naked and wearing no jewelry of any kind. Sometimes his head is shaved. He prays to the Voodoo spirit for the remission of all his sins, and swears an oath to consecrate himself as a priest to the service of thc loas and never to reveal anything whatever about the initiation. The oldest houn'gan sprinkles him with holy water and raw clairin, and leads him to the pe. There he is at 1M. Totally possessed by the guiding spirit, he staggers, supported by the old houn'gan, who makes him bow down before the stone of the jle from which the mystere Dan Gbe To bestows upon him the asson and the bell.

Outside the cI;ew the battery of drums, appropriate to the rite in which the ceremony is heing performed, resounds. The chorus of hOlln'sihs sings the ritual chants "stilt" by the hounguenicon. At this point the newly initiated, "mounted"’ hy the spirit, takes over the service. He is now a houn'gan, because, having "passed through the water" he went to He, where Dangbe delivered to him the asson at the request of the old houn'gans, the custodians of the Voodoo tradition.

For various reasons, Dan-G-Be sometimes refuses to give the asson. In such cases the petitioner frequently uses the asson anyway, despite the Spirit's refusal. Nevertheless, he is a false hoiin'gan, and there are certain operations in which he is succcssfui only hecause he employs devices sto\{'n from authentic houn'gans. The Voodoo tradition holds that such a candidate "did not go under the water" (li pas te alM en bas d'leau).

In the Voodoo tradition, Moses had a Pethro asson and related its secrets to the rahbis. The name of the Voodoo asson is kaheleth-a-dam, 1coheleth-a-clom, koheleth-a-don, or koheleth-a-dan. The Voodoo tra- clition explains the initiatory formula through the general meaning of the book of Ecclesiastes (12, 13): "Fear God, and keep his command^ ments." The formula is Coeieth, Co^Le^Th, Co.Le^Tha, or Koheieth (the Preacher). Inasmuch as the hook of Ecclesiastes is the Second Book of Solomon or the Second Book of Wisdom. Voodoo tradition considers it the magic of the Temple of David, a Negro king, of Solomon, his son, and the hasis of the magic tradition of the oumphor.

The koMthadan or Voodoo assoii reveals by its authority that man is dependent not upon himself but upon the superhuman occult forces called by Voodoo initiates mysteres, (lnf!,els, wiints, or loas, according to the region in which the Voodoo religion is practiced.

The following is the best explanation of the entire formula:

coeleth: cabalistic wisdom or discipline; the tradition of the clergy and the church; fl-: Grand Master; the square or alpha; dan: the serpent, traditionally represented hy Danbhalah.

For this reason the serpent in the universal tradition is the animal that initiates man and woman, like the serpent that descended from the tree of knowledge to initiate Eve and Adam, (whose name is found in the a-dam of the formula koheleth-a^dam), the same serpent that descends from the centerpost of the peristyle to initiate the houn'sih.canzos. the houn'iors, thE" houn'gans, the mam'has, the houn'- gneuicons, and others.

The formula indicates also the assembly or gathering of Voodoo initiates in the peristyle of the oum'phor, referred to in a ritual chant that calls them together at the beginning of the ceremonies:

I.a fanmi semble; en e o; la fanmi semble, non;

E Agoueto, /fa hin'de;

na'pe hin'de o;

la fanmi semble; en e o; na'pe hin'de Papa Loko AU-sou.

I .a fanmi semble; en e o;

na'pe hin'de Grande Aizan Velekete.

I.a fanmi semble; en e o; la fanmi semble, non,

Come together, family, en e o;

come together, now, family;

E Agoueto, that's the call;

we shall call, O;

come together, family, en e o; we shall call Papa Loko Ali-

sou.

Come together, family, en e O;

we shall call Grande Aizan Veiekete.

Come together, family, en e o; come together, now, family,

E AgouetO, GouetO, $a hin'de;

na hin'de Marassah Do-sou,

Do-sah, Do-goueh.

E AgouetO! Ou $a hin'de you vrail

E AgouetO, GouetO, that's the call; we shall call the Marassah Oo- sou,

Do-sah, and Do-goueh.

E AgouetO! You can really call them!

In closing this chapter a word must be said about one of the most extraordinary facts concerning Voodoo. If the officiants at an initiation are themselves unable to give correct and complete instruction to an apprentice, the mysteres themselves give the instruction by "mounting" someone, who then instructs the initiate verbally. Otherwise the mysteres send him dreams or visions when necessity arises. A great many houn'gans are created in this supernatural manner. It is the loas themselves who initiate them and give them the asson.

3

Gods and Goddesses oj Voodoo

T HE adepts of Voodoo, relying upon the fundamentals of the African tradition, believe the place of origin of Voodoo was lEe, the name of a legendary city whose replica actually exists in Yoruba in southern Nigeria. At the same time, He is a mystical city from which comes the greatest of the Voodoo mysteres and it is regarded as a kind of African Mecca.

He is the fatherland of the Voodoo gods. It is from here that the revelation descended into the spirit and the heart of those African Voodooists who established the religion practiced today by their descendants. The Voodoo revelation descends under the double form of the serpents Danbhalah Wede and Aida Wedo. The serpents represent the African Almighty—the Ancestor-Voodoo being religiously and ritually an ancestral cult in which the supreme personage is "the first of the living."

Needless to say, everything that constitutes the framework and mode of life among the earth's inhabitants springs from He: administration and administrative methods, royalty. presidency of state, cui- tme, the major and minor arts, medicine. architecture. navigation, and especially religion and religious magic, but more particularly that phase of magic called divination.

Since royalty is a divine right, it thereby follows that the portrait of the chief of the state, in accordance with a Haitian custom deriving from the tradition of Africa, is always hung in the place of honor in all the cum'phors, because, say the initiates, "the king is the direct representative of God."

Proceeding from the principle that every king or chief of state is the representative of God on earth, the Voodoo tradition identines Ife with the celestial position of the sun, and with the sun itself. Hence the king is found to be identified with the sun. The supernatural origin of the Voodoo cult is astrological in nature for He is identified with the sun. Moreover, since the sun is the god Legba, the region of the sky where the sun rises is Legba-Ji, an expression bearing the general meaning "god of the Creation."

Legba, the synthetizing god of Voodoo, is the Orient, the East, the chief cardinal point, the point of space which presides at or governs the magic.

The African origin of the Voodoo gods is somewhat complex, for although Legba unquestionably comes from Ife, the whole Voodoo pantheon by no means comes from the same place. This pantheon is composed of mysteres originating in different parts of the world: some from Dahomey, some from the Congo, others from the Nago regions, still others from the Sudan. Certain gods come from the land of the Ibos; others are by preference Pethro mysteres, and a list of the "nations of voodoo mysteres" would necessarily include the names of all of the tribal regions on the map of Africa: Morocco, Mauritania, Nigeria, Liberia, Cameroon, Angola, Madagascar, and many others.

It is the differences or distinctions established in Voodoo by the "nations of loas" which tend to diversify the cult by dividing it into "rites," although its fundamental integrity as well as its traditional homogeneity are completely preserved.

Contrary to general opinion, among the countries where the Voodoo myrteres originated must be included Judea and Ethiopia, for both the jewish and the Ethiopian cults hold their origin to be from the sun. Among the Jews, the sun is represented by a serpent upon a staff-the serpent called Da(vid); among the Ethiopians, the serpent is represented by a lion-David-the Lion of the solar house of Judah (a title preserved by the emperor of Ethiopia). In Voodoo the same serpent, likewise called Va, and the same lion, called Legba, preside at the head of the cult.

The mystere which bears the serpent Da is another serpent. Ai-Da. This second serpent is, accordingly the Virgin of Voodoo-Aida Wedo. As mother of the Voodoo Legba, she is the wife of the sun. that is, she is the moon. The Africans call her Mawu, but she is best known in Haiti as Erzulie.

Legba, the origin and the male prototype of Voodoo, is the sun which presides over the rites, while Erzulie, the origin and the female prototype, is the moon. Legba is the Christ; Erzulie the Virgin. The other m"steres follow in their turn in hierarchical order.

In his outward manifestation, Legba is pictured as a mail who sprinkles water on the ground. He is the deity recognized in those adepts who at the commencement of every ceremony sprinkle the ground with water. Erzulie is represented as a dark-skinned Ethiopian woman. She is necessarily dark since she is burned by her husband the sun. The occult aspect of this is easily understood: this woman, very dark but very beautiful, is identified, in the AfroJudean tradi. tion, with the very dark but very beautiful Queen of Sheba. Therefore, the serpent, Aida-Wedo, seen on the walls of the Voodoo oum'phor, is recognized through the process of religious synchretism, as the Ethiopian queen who visited Solomon, the builder of the Temple. By these illustrations the astrological origin of the Voodoo cult and its areas of religious influence throughout the world can be explained most easily.

The African tradition inherited through the Haitian oum'phors reveals that the female, or lunar, serpent Aida-Wedo seen painted on the oum'phor walls is a path of seven colors employed by the divine power as a medium for transmitting his orders from the sky to the (•arth. This path, which conducts Cod from the sky to the earth is, of course, the rainbow. As a symbol, the rainbow-like Voodoo-has its origin from the sun. In the oum'phor, then, Erzulie, who in the form of a rainbow plays the role of the lunar serpent Aida-Wedo, is the magic principle of wealth and prosperity. She is invoked by all who desire a change of fortune or who wish to become wealthy. The symbol of the moon which she personifies as a voodoo mystere is silver, while the symbol of Legba (the sun) is gold.

Legba is explained by Voodoo traditionalists as having the same origin and attributes as the Creek god Mercury-the symbol of Mer- (’!ifY being two serpents entwined about a staff and the symbol of Voodoo being the two serpents entwined about the center-pest of the oum'phor. The traditionalists further see Christ originating in Legba, a mulatto because he is the son of the sun and the moon.

Summoning the Gods

The gods of Voodoo-the 10as. mysteres, or voudon-reach the place where the houD'gan or mam'bo summons them by leaving the atmospheric abode assigned them by the occult spirit referred to as the "source higher than ourselves," These gods may enter a gOtii (a pottery jar) or may become incarnate by "mounting" a Voodoo follower (the cheval, or "horse"). The cheval loses absolutely all consciousness. It is the myshhe alone who acts. He propheSies. dances, and performs magic. without the person who is thus mounted knowing anything at all of what the mystere does or says. Ev en when the mystere has departed, the "horse" remains unaware of his actions and his movements until infonned of them by a witness. The person is changed physically, insofar as that is possible, by means of gestures, expressions, the voice, clothing, tastes, age, habits, and customs of the mystere, which abolishes the very soul of the person possessed. For example, an eight.year-old child mounted by a "Grande" (an old woman mystere) such as Grande Erzulie, will he feeble, practically speechless and squeaking like an old woman 100 years old; while an old man 90 years old possessed by a raging Ogou such as Bacossou will bound out of his torpor, brandish his sword, and dance better than Nureyev.

After the possession, the individual usually falls into a state which, for the most part, is characterized by a complete indifference as to the god's actions during the mounting. It must be added that certain ritual possessions are very exhausting for the "horse," particularly if he is mounted by the more powerful loas. The more powerful the loas, the greater the "horse" is fatigued after the possession.

As a general rule, the personality of the "horse" is so effaced during what is traditionally called the "crise de loa" (ioa-crisis), that even the sick who are mounted by the myshires instantly manifest a complete disregard for their illness or infinnity. It is not unusual to see a sick person who has scarcely dragged himself into the peristyle get up vigorously, after being mounted, and start to dance, to gesticulate frenetically. and even to leap.

At a Voodoo ceremony, someone in the company may be seated or walking around when all at once he seems to receive a terrible blow in a certain place on his body. Some initiates claim that it is at the nape of the neck; others that it is in the legs. Often he utters a cry or a moan, giving a clear impression that an invisible force means to or is trying to get control of him. He struggles, staggers, nearly ah ways going around in circles, and throws out his arms in all directions in an obvious effort to drive off the force that is trying to possess him.

The "horse" hurls himself violently upon the company, against whose bodies he reclines as though to implore their help. To be sure, some people know certain signs they can make or words they can utter to send the mystere away. But the moment the invisible power has mounted the "horse," he becomes transformed, straightens himself lip, and goes about the business of the mystere who has taken his place in the person's own body. The mystere gives his greetings, and usually asks for his special emblems.

These emblems consist of arms, costumes, kerchiefs to tie around the head, the waist, the wrist, or the ankles, magic wands, beverages, ;ind perfumes, which stand as symbols of the hermetic colors and forms of the invisibles. The symbolism in these objects pennits the kms to perfonn their magic hetter.

The loas depart more easily than they arrive. Often they show signs of suddenly losing interest in what they are doing, drop whatever objects they have in hand, sometimes utter a mournful cry, and lean upon someone or slump to their knees, abandoning the physical hody of their "horse." At other times they leave their "horse" with such ease that it is difficult to tell when they are gone, so that people sometimes ask if the mystere is "still there." In this case one may occasionally even speak to a person believed to be still mounted, thinking he is addressing the mystere, when, indeed, the mystere is no longer there. This confusion can also work the other way. Often a person is mounted so easily that another may suddenly realize. when talking to him, that he is talking to a loa instead.

A mystere does not necessarily have to be summoned in order to mount a person, and often a loa who has not been called makes his appearance. In any case, whether summoned or not, a mystere can always be sent away either by the houn'gan or by any other person who knows how.

From this it follows that in the oum'phors, the role of the houn'gan or the mam'bo is to attract the loas by the water (which they call maMman bagaille^la) and by the sacrifices to the sound of the drums and chants, but in any case by such means as they, as masters, have at their disposal, and from the onset of the loa^crisis right up to the moment when it may he necessnry to dismiss them back into the as- tTal or the invisible. The following is witnessed invariably after the descent of a mysterc: the mystere "mounts his horse," then at once is obliged to salute the houn'gaii or the mam'bo before concerning himself with his own proper magic in the peristyle, until he judges it time to leave on his own accord or until the houn'gan dismisses him for one reason Of another. Occasionally the houn'gan's or the mam'ho's knowledge is used to stahilize a possession which becomes a lamentable struggle in which neither "horse" nor mystere is ahle to get control. The water, chants, and drums play ,\ considerable part in thc stabilization process.

Iloun'gans insufficiently trained have been known to become insane or ill, and "horses" to he terribly mistreated or c\"cn killed because they had been overcome bv the mvstere whom thcv served. The houn'gan who lacks sufficient knowledge to master the mysteres is exposed to terrible risks. Vc have personally witnessed the following moving scene: A houn'gan who was questioning mysteres in lin oum'phor and calling them successively in a govi was not able to temper the anger of Loco-Ati-sou. Loco struck him on the head, probably with an object lying on the pe, not without flrst ha\"ing made an infernal din. The young houn'gan fell unconscious under the blow. A deathly silence ensued. Another houn'gan who was outside with us was obliged to lise his authority and open the door of the ba^ui so as to find the unconscious man who we being hounded hy Loco. The man was brought into the peristyle and ouly with great difficult:", was he brought around.

Such confrontation with a Voodoo god sometimes may even result in the death of the haun'gan, when the initiate stands up to a wut/oun or disobeys his commands. Thev sav that in such cases the mvstere "touches" them if they fall ill, and "eats" them if they die. This is not an astonishing fact if one realizes that the power of a wudoun such as Legba-according to the fundamentals of the tradition-is ahle to attain a temperature of 30,^00^00 C. in the star that represents the town of He, when it pleases the mvstere to rise this high with his "horse," and that the houn'gan would be unable to temper it. Anything can be devastated in the terrible ranges of this fantastic energy.

Theoretically we note that, if he is capable, the honn'gan is also able to cause a loa to rise to this altitude. At the same time we must admit that contemporary honn'gans no longer possess this ability. fhis was the case, however, when. to win the wars of Haitian independence over the armies of Kapoleon which seemed invincible, the ii gan । who were among the slaves eansed certain of them to arise through the agency of the Ogons, the \Iarinctte Bois Cheches, the Jean Pethros, and the Alonmandias. Independence once acquired, the country was devastated by water, iron, fire. and poison, from Ti- huron to M aribaroiix and from Mole Saint Nicolas to Grand Gosier heeause of the temperature to which these n'gan had carried the Dessalines, the Capoix-la-morts, and the Christophes-all of them ••mounted." But this was only after the African priesthood h,id more or less appeased the loas who had hrought to pass this epic by attaining this revolutionary temperature, unique in the history of the world —these loas to whom had been sacrificed "II the agricultural and industrial riches of the metropolis in a few hours, not counting the lliousands of "white heads."

We say "more or less" because up to the present the loas say that rhe heroes and the beneficiaries of this supernatural epie han’ not kept I he promises which were made to them. The daily experience with Voodoo proves that it is much better to refuse tht' services of a t;ou- doun than to make him promises which are never kept. For the mys- rl!rt’ himself always keeps his promises whatever the difficulties that he must surmount.

What the Gods Can Do

A mystere can mount a person for the following reasons;

(1) To proted him.

(2) To confer upon him a power or a faculty that he needs for the successful accomplishment of a task, and which he does not ordinarily have. To permit him, for example, to swim to land in case of shipwreck, if he does not know how to swim. Many people report that ’iich-and-sueh a person "did not know how to swim, and wiit'n a sail- hoat on which he was sailing was wrecked, naturally he almost

t lloun’g/ln is a phonetic "ariant of the African terms N'gan, '"ganga, Moganga. \I"ganga, for enmpl", ;, applied to the fetish-makers of the OuOongui.

drowned, since the accident occurred on the open sea; however, Agoueh mounted him and brought him to shore,"

(3) To permit him to remove himself with supernatural speed.

(4) To enre him of illness or to prevent him from suffering.

(5) To give him counsel. In this case, those who speak to the possessed person repeat to him the advice that the loa gave during the "loa-crisis."

(6) To give some other person a treatment, or simply to prescribe or to compose a remedy.

(7) To punish the "horse" for some offense. In this case, despite the commands and rebukes of the houn'gan. the mystere may refuse to leave-to dismount the "horse"—for hours or days, determined to exhaust him as much as possible. Often we see the consequences of such a punishment: a dislocated limb, or an illness which only the mystere who caused it can cure.

(8) To point out some forbidden ritual.

(9) To give warning of danger threatening an individual or the community.

(10) To preside over, or to assist at a ritual ceremony.

(11) To come and get a sacrificial offering.

Because of all these functions—relating as much to the cult as to everyday life—the most important consequences for the mystical life as well as the national life follow from the participation of the Voodoo loas in human affairs. Thus, in everything that particularly concerns Haitian life, Voodoo is like a superior soul, which acts as a counterpart of the soul as ordinarily regarded, and which accompanies man in all his occupations.

The Magic Center of Voodoo

The magic center of Voodoo is found in the center of or in the middle of the circle of the post or of the globe of the asson. For this reason the handle is fixed in the middle of the asson, and the post in the center of the masonry socle.

The mystere who magically guards the wooden part of the asson (the handle) and the wood of the center-post is called Loko Ati-Sou, whose name is derived from his magical attributes: Loko (the place)

Ati (of the wand) Sou (magic). Hence Papa Loko is not only the mystere who guards the center-post, but also the mystere who serves as treasurer of the oum'phor. Consequently he knows the best magio fonnulas. So, just as the "magic purity of the astral powers of the center-post" is personified by the loa called Grande Ai-Zan (which signifies "knowledge of the mysteries of the astral through the cross'"), the loa Grande Aizan is called Mam'bo Aizan: the magician par excellence of the oum'phor. For this reason Grande Aizan is believed to be the wife of Lako AU-Sou. The magic entourage of Mambo Aizan is composed of mysteres of the African "nation" called the "A-Dan I-Zo Y-an Go Nation,"

The Voodoo Pantheon

The origin of the ensemble of Voodoo gods has become extraordi. narily complex both on the supernatural level and on the geographic level because of the assimilation of new gods day after day into the pantheon. Some of these new gods come from thc noteworthy personalities of dead initiates whose souls have become divinities. Other new gods may come from another rite and are called "strangers to a tribal clan" or "purchased mysteres." The ritual of the tribal dan which "purchases" them is complicated by the fact that each mystere has its ritual mode of behavior and its personal attributes that tend to iiiuitiply the ritual accessories and augment the ceremonial itself. For (’"ample, if, in a particular rite, the mystere Ogou Bhaln'dio and the mystere Ogou Fer are being "served," their ritual diagrams as well as Ilidr colors are different although they are of the same "family" of In:\s. Their ritual chants also are markedly different; wherefore it may bw concluded that, although the planetary origin of these two loas is from the same sidereal source, the separate origins of their personal d'Tcmonials render the Voodoo ritual very diverse.

The following list of mysteres will give an idea of the extent of the ’iiimher of Voodoo gods. It is impossible to name all the loas, especially since every day new ones are created out of the spirits of dead miliates by Voodoo priests.

Atin-Cbi-Ni-Mon-Se (the omnipotence of Ali-C-M Legba)

Ye Oan-CM

Dan-Bha-Lah We-Do (Danbhalah Ye-We Ai-Da We-Do (Ayidohwcdo) Maou-Lihsah

Lhsah (Lihsah Gba Dya)-Lcgba (Leh Cha Dya) Legba Ati-n Bon (Legba Atiban) Quebiesou (Heviozo) Grande Ai-Zan

Assato Micho To Kpo Dounou Voudoun A Dan Man Sih WeDo

Aganman (Caiman. Anolis)

Adya Houn'to (the drums "mounted" by a process known as ", dya")

Agaou -Tonnerre Agassou-Allah-Da

Erzulie (}vfaitrcsse Erzulie, Grande Erzulie) Grande Fleurizon

Ogou Fer

Ogou Bha Lin Dyo Ogou Bha Tha Lah Ogou Shango Agoueh R Oyo Azagon Agoum (Adoum Guidi) Aglaou We-Do Agoueh-Tha Oyo Ogou Ashadah (A Shah Deh) Zocliman

Sim'bi Y-An-Kitha Sim'bi Y-An Dch-Zo Simbi V-An Pha-Ca Simbi Y-An-Pa-Lah Marassah (twins) Marassah (triplets) Marassah (quadruplets) Avadra BO-Roi

Grande Alouha Grande Aloumandya Papa Loko Azamblo Guidi

Aroyo

Dan Hwe-Zo

Boum'ba Maza (a family of loas)

Lemba File Sabre

Sobo

Bade

Bade-sih Cala Houn'sou

Houn'

Houn'sih

Houn'gan

lloun’giienicon

Houn'to

Ti Gougoune

Gougoune Dan Leh

Quebiesou Dan Leh (m)

Canga

Zin'ga

Lem'bha Zaou

Man Inan

Madame LahOue

Laoca

La Sirene (Erzulie)

La Baleine (Erzulie)

An We-Zo

Ogou Bha-Da-Gri

Zaou Pemba

Manman Pemba (a drum which is simultaneously a cannon) O^Sou Mare

Mackandal

Silibo Vavo

Grande Sim'ba

Ti Kitha Demcmbre

Sim'ba Maza

A Dan Hi

Cousin Zaca

Zo

'ZJ Man Kite

Sophie Bade

Agaou Camble Bd^Sou Trois Comes

Jakata

Danbhalah La Flambeau

ZincHn Zain  *

Azaca Medeh

Houn'non'gann' ("the place of sound," personified by Maitresse Hounon'gon, an initiate who directs the ceremonies)

Ossangne

Ogou Y-Am-San

Ctiede Noiivavou

Guede Mazaca

Cuede L'orage (the Storm)

Guede Cinq Jours Malhcurcux (Five Days' Misfortune)

Guede Ti Puce Jan dTca\i (Little-Flea-in-the-Water)

Zazi Boiilonnin

Ogou Can-Can Ni Can

Crimincl Pethro

PiR’ga Maza

Rei Ou-Angole

Zantahi

Zantahi Medeh

Ou-An lie (the mother of the Dahomean King Tegbesou, after becoming a mystere)

Ibo Sou-Arnan

Brise Macaya

Brise Pem'bha N annan Blouklou Ibo Kiki-Lih-bO

Ernulic Taurc3u (The Bull)

Erzulie Freda

Erzulie Ge Rouge (Red.Eye)

Erzulie Mapian (Louse) Ti Pierre Dantor

Ti Jean

Ogou Ashadeh

Bossou Ashadeh (King Tegbesou of Dahomey)

Ashncleh BacD

BaeD Lcgba

Linglessou

Marinette Bois-Cheche

Ti Jean Pethro

Jean-Philippe Pethro

Grande Sobo

Adjinakou (the elephant mystere Agaotl l'ephant)

Adahi Loko (Adan-hi Loco)

Kadia Bossou

Baron La Croix (The Cross)

Baron Cimetierc (The Cemetery)

Baron Samcdi (Saturday)

Grande Brigitte

Cuede Ti Wava

Guede Ti Pete (Little-Break-wind)

Boli Shah (a family of loas)

Danbhalah Crand-Chemin (The Highway)

Mademoiselle Anaise

Mam'zelle Charlotte

Maitresse Mam'bo

Marassah Guinin (African Twins)

Marassah Bois (Twins of the Wood)

\farassah Bord-de-Mer (Twins of the Seashore)

Erzulie Dos-bas (Low back)

Grande ABaba

Attiassou Yangodor

Similar

Guede Z'cdairs (Lightning Bolts)

Guede Nibbho

Cuede Vi

Loko Adan-he-co

Maitre Ka-Fu (Legba, Master of the Crossroads) Olishah

Ossou Gninmin

Crande Obatalah

Sayacou

Sim'bi dl'cau (Simbi of the Water)

Ibo L'AsiJe

Iho Can-Man

Maitre Pem-bha

Dan Pethro

Sinigal

Ti Jean Pied^cheche (Dry Foot)

Ya DO Fer

Simalo (the name which Antoine Simon, President of Haiti from 1908 to 1911, gave his goat. which was a loa, following the tradition of divine right in the Dahomean monarchy)

Roi Louanges

Jean Zombi

Captain Zombi

CuCide Bon Poussiere de la Croix (Good-Dust-oMhe^Cross) Bacossou

CuMe Doube

Cuede Fatras

Cuede Ti Clos

GiiMe Docteur Piqures (Doctor Hypodermic)

Agu Roi Linsou

Danbhalah To Can

Amisi Weda

Crande MironZe

En.ulie Doum'ba

Ogoii Toonerre (Baron Tonnerre-Thunder)

BeJecoun

Capa\ou Pcm'ba

Brise Pem'ba

Maloulou

Mavangou (a family of mysteres)

Mitraille (Grapeshot)

Madame Travaux (Mrs. Works)

Sidor Pem'ba (Colonel Dan Pethro rite)

Fa-ou Dan-TO

Ogou Baba (a general who is a retired trooper)

Mam'bo Ati-A-Sou

Gucde Souffrant (Suffering Cuede: Legba as Christ crucified)

Grand Bois Megui

Adelaide

Clainnesine Clairmeille

Ogoi! Balisere

Ibo Cossi

Mademoiselle Florida

Papa Houn'tO

Dame Houn'tO

Maitre Cimetiere (Master of the Cemetery)

Brutus Jean (Ti Brutus)

General Jules Caomil

Guede Ratalan (the first gravedigger)

Guede Mafpian (Gut!de Ratalen's pick-man)

Captain Debas (an American mystere. also known as Deebat, or Debard)

Escalia Boum'ba

Trois Feuilles-Trois Racines (Three Leaves-Three Roots)

Marinette PicJs-Che<:hc$ (Dry Feet)

OgOll Dan Pethro

Cita

Zilah Moyo

Tiacou-Tiacou

Papa Pierre

Manman Diamant

Marie-Louise (a famous mystere of the War of Independence) Ati-Danhi 100Loko (Accident 100 Lake)

Trois Carrefours (Three Crossroads)

Jean-Pierre Pongoueh Zo Flanco Pethro Toro Pcthro (Pethro Bull) Quita (Kitha)

Kanga Pethro

Reine Congo Franc (Queen French Congo)

Six Milles Hommes (Six Thousand Men, probably Similor) Derazine

Djobolo Bossou Scverine

Sarazine Jambe

Er7.ulie-Severine-Belle-Femme (Beautiful Woman)

La Belle Venus (The Fair Vcnus-Erzulie)

Ogou Palama C ;rande Bossine Lrande Delai J)ame Tenaise

Dagoueh Bologoueh

Meuehe Pierre

Ti Pierre (Little Peter) Gros Pierre (Big Peter) Sabo Quersou Bazou

Nantiou

Zan-Madone

The Voodoo pantheon is far from complete in the preceding list. Scarcely one hundred pages would suffice to mention all the loas included in it, especially if all the etymological variants continually given the names of the loas by initiates were taken into account. For this reason many of the has seem quite bizarre on account of their names, for example, Ti Puce lan dTeau (Little Flea-in-the-Water), Mademoiselle Florida (Miss Florida), Fleurizon, or Grande Fleurizon (Grandmother Fleurizon), and Cede Soutfrant (Suffering Guede). These are variants of some of the great classical mysteres. They assume these unusual names for their own occult reasons.

Clasifying the Gods

The following is an attempt at a classification of the mysteres according to the various rites or divisions of Voodoo, such as Rada and Pethro. This classification is necessarily arbitrary, owing to the fact that a mystere generally belongs to whatever rite he is "served" in, with the single exception of the so-called "Guinin" (African) mysteres, who because of their traditional purity refuse to "work" in any but their own rites. The Guedes (the loas of death and of cemeteries) who have noms vaillants (names with the great mysteres assume when they do not wish to appear under their real names) are classed separately, since it is difficult to assign them to particular rites because of the multiplicity of their names.

The RaJa Myslires

Ate Gbini Mon Se ye Danube Danbhalah Wedo

Danbhalah Ye-We

Aida Wede (Ayidahwedo) Mawu-Lihsan

Lihsah

Legba Ati (n) Bon Quebiesou (Heviozo) Grande Ai-Zan

Aizan AveIekethe AssatO

Adanmansih Wedo

Aganman, Caiman, Anolis Adya HouD'tO Agassou Allada

Maitresse and Grande Erzulie Fleurizon

Agoueh R Oyo Agoueh Tha Oyo Simbi Yandehzo Sim'bi Yanphaca Sim'bi Yanpolah Marassah (Twins)

Avadra B6-roi (Good King) (,eke Azamblo Guidi

Aroye Sabo Bade Bade-sih Cala Houn'sou Houn'

Houn'sih

Iloun'guenicon

Houn'gan Houo'tO

Gougoune Dan Leh Quebiesou Dan Leh La 5irene

La Baleine An Oue-Zo Silibo Vavo Grande Vavo

Grande Simla

A Dan-hi

Cousin Zaca

'bJ

1.0 Man Kite

Sophie Bade

Agaou Cambie

Zinclizin

Azaca Mcdeh

Guede NouvavDu

Guede llazaca

Zan Tha-hi

Zan Tha-hi Medeh

Ogou Bacoulch

Erzulic Freda Ti Pierre Dantor

Ti Jean

Bccc. Legba

Linglessou

Grande Sabo

Adanhi Lake

Baron La Croix (The Cross)

Baron Cimetie (The Cemetery)

Baron Samedi (Saturday)

Grande Brigitte

Danhhalah Grand Chemin (The Highway)

Maitressc Mam'bo

Marassah Guioin (African Twins)

Erzulie Dos-bas (Low Back)

Grande ABaba

Guede Nibbho

Loco A Dan-hi-co

Maitre Ka-Fu (Master of the Crossroads)

Bayacou

Sim'hi d'l'eau (Simhi of the Water)

Dan Pethro

Roi Louanges

Guede Agu Rai Linsoll

Danbhalah TO Can

Amisi Wedo

Grande Miroi Ze

Beiecou-n

Grand Bois Megui

Adelaide

Clairmesine Clairmeille

Mademoiselle Florida

Papa Houn'to

Dame Houn'to

Captain Debas (the American mystere)

Papa Pierre

Manman Diamant

Marie-Louise

Ati Dan-hi Ibo Loko

Erzulie Severine Belle-Femme (Fair Lady) La Belle Venus (Beautiful Venus)

Sobo Quersou

A fyileres Belonging To All Rites

AssatO

Aganman, Caiman

Adya Houn'tO

Maitresse et Grande Erzulie

Sim'bi dl'eau

Sim'bi Yandehzo

Sim'bi Yanphaca

Sim'bi Yanpolah

Marassah

lioun'

Iloun'sih

Iloun'gan

Iloun'guenicon

Iloun'tO

Quebiesou Dan Leh

Grande Sim'ba

7.0

1.0 Man Kiie

Danbhalah Grand Chemin

Maitresse Mam'bo (Grande Ai-Zan)

Maitre Ka-Fu

Papa Houn'tO Dame Houn'tO ’

The Rada -Da^^y MyrtereJ

Ate Gbini Mon Se

Ye Dan Gbe

Ayidohwedo

Maou-Lihsah

Lihsan Gba Dya (Legba)

Legba Atin Bon (Adingban)

Quebiesou

Ai-Zan

Sobo B.d. An Que Zo Sophie Bade Erzulie Freda Grande Sobo Zan-Madone A Dan-hi Loko Erzulie La Belle Venus

The Rada-Nago-Cmgo-Dahomey MyrTb-es

La Sirene (Erzulie) La Baleine (Erzulie)

The Nago Mfoes

Ogou Fer (Dry Nago)

Ogou Bha Lin Dyo (Wet Nago)

Ogou Bha Tha Lah (Mixed Nago) Ogau Chango (Nago, Pethro)

Adoum Guidi

Lem'ba File Sabre (Naga, Pethra)

Ogou Bha Da Gri

Ossangne

Ogou Yamsan (Nago, Pethro)

Ogou Cancannican (Nago Pethro)

Ogou Bhacouleh (Nago, Rada)

Ti Pierre Dantar (Nago, Rada, Dantor)

Ti Jean (Nago, Rada)

Bo-Sou Ashadeh (Naga, Dahomey)

Ashadeh BOcO (Nago, Dahomey, Pethro)

Bolishah (Boli Shah)

Olishah (Oli Shah)

Grande O-Bhathalah

Bacossou

Ogou-Tonnerre (Nago, Pethro)

Ogou Baba

Ogou Balisere (Ogou Balisage) General Jules Canmi!

Jean-Pierre Poungoueh Ogou Palama

I he Fe/hro Mysfercs

Ogou Chango (Pethro, Nago) Sim'bi Y-An-Kitha

Lem'ba File Sabre (Pethro, Nago)

Ti Gougoune

Lem'ba Zaou (Pethro, Congo)

Zaou Pem'ba (Pethro. Congo)

Manman Pem'ba (Pethro. Congo) Mackandal

Sim'ba Maza

Danbhalah La Flambeau (The Torch) Linglinzin (Pethro, Rada)

Ogou Yamsan (Pethro, Nago) Guede Mazaca (Pethro, Rada) GuMe L'Omge (The Stonn) Zazi Boulonnin (or Boulonmin) Ogou Cancan Ni Can Crimincl Pcthro Prin'ga :\faza (Pethro Maza) Brise Macaya Briz.e Pemba Erzulic Toro (The Bull) Erzulie Ge Rouge (Red-Eye) Erzulic Mapian (Louse)

Ashaclch BOco (Pcthro, Nago, Dahomey) Boca Legba (Pethro, Rada)

LingJessoti Bassin-sang (Pethro, Rada) Marinette Bois-Chechc (Dry Wood) Marinette Lumin-di-fe (Light-the-Fire) Ti Jean Pethro Jean-Philippe Pethro

Guede Baron La Croix (Pethro, Rada) Guede Baron Cimetie (Pethro, Rada) Baron Samedi (Pethro, Rada) Grande Brigitte (Pethro, Rada) Similar

Guede Nibbho (Pethro Rada) Iho Can-Man (Pethro, Iho) Maitre Pemba (Pethro, Congo) Dan Pethro

Ti Jean Pied CMehe (Dry Foot) Simalo

Jean Zombi

Captain Zombi

Guede Agu Roi Linsou (Pethro, Rada) Ogoti Tonnerre (Pethro, Nago) Brise Pemba (Pethro, Zandor) Malonlou (Pethro, Congo) Madame Travaux (Mrs. Works) Sidor Pemba (Pethro, Congo)

Grand Bois Megui (Pethro, Rada)

Escalie Boum'ba (Pethro, Bourn'ha)

Trois Feuilles. Trois Racines (Three Leaves, Three Roots)

Marinette Pieds Cheches (Dry-Feet: Pethro, Zandor)

Ogou Dan Pethro (Naga. Pethro)

Marie Louise (Pethro, Rada)

Trois Carrefours (Three Crossroads)

Zo Flanco Pethro

Toro Pethro (The Bull)

Kanga Pethro

Six Ylilles Hommes (Six Thousand Men)

Djobolo Bossou (Pethro, Congo)

11,, Dantor Mysttres

T Pierre Dan-Tor

Ti Jean Dan-Tor

Fa-oil Dan-Tor

Papa Pierre (Danter, Rada, Nago) Erzulie Dan-Tor

11,, Kitha Mysttres

Ti Kitha Demembre Quita

11" Zandor Mysttres

Hrise PemOa

Marisette Pieds Cheches (Dry-Feet)

The lbo MJIli?res

Iho Sou Aman Ibo Kiki Lih B6 Iho L'Asile iho Ule lbo Can-Man (Ibo. Pethro) Ibo Cossi (lbo, Cossi)

The Congo MJIli?res

Sim'bi dTeau

Grande Alouba

Crande Aloumandia

Canga

Zin'ga

Lem'ba Za-ou (Congo. Pethre) Man Inan

Madame Lah-Oue

Laoca (the Congo Legba)

Zaou Pem'ba (Congo, Pethrol

Manman Pem'ba (Congo, Pethro) Roi Ou-Angole (Congo, Angola) Marassah Congo Bord-de-Mer (Seashore) Maitre Pem'ba (Congo, Pethro)

Sinigal (Congo. Senegal)

Roi Louanges (Congo. Rada, Loango) Caplaou Pem'ba

Maloulou (Congo. Pethro)

Sidor Pem'ba (Congo, Pethro)

Zilah Moyo

Reine Congo Franc

Djobolo (Congo, Pethro)

Bazou (Congo, Angola)

The Boum'ba Myfa®

Cimetiere Boum'ba (Boum'ba of the Cemetery) Escalia Bo^n'ba

A Canga MyrTire

Zoclimo

The G^uedes

Guede L'Orage

Guede Cinq Jours Malheureux

Guede Ti Puce Lan d'l'eau

Guede Ti Wawa, or Ti Oua^Ou^

Guedt' Ti Pete

Guede Vi (a child of the Guedes)

Guede Bon Poussiere de la Croix

Guede Sahalah

Guede Doube

Cuede Fatras

Guede Ti elos

Guede Docteur Piqures

Guede Souffrant

Guede Ratalon

Cuede Morpion (Louse)

It may he observed that although most of the Guedes are listed sepa- । ;ddy, the most classic forms of Guede are included among the Rada I";is, for example, Baron La Crob: Guede Nibbho (Nebo), Baron

Cimetie, Guide Mazaca, Baron Semedi. Gtddi Nowvqvou. Agu-Roi Lin-Sou. and Guidi Houn'sDu.

As for the lesser Guedes. such as Ti Pete (Little Break-Wind), Ratalon, (Level-with-the-Heel, Laid-out, Prostrate), and Ti Puce Zan d'l'eau, (Little-Flea-in-the-Water), their bizarre names derive from the caustic character of this race of loas. All the Cuedes are pranksters.

The foregoing lists of mysteres illustrate the difficulty previously mentioned with regard to placing any given mystere in any given rite, for the classification itself recognizes many mysteres served in several rites-for example, the mysteres which belong indifferently to all rites. and those who belong to the Rada-Dahomcy-Xago-Congo group.

I have rejected any rigid classification of loas such as exists, for example, in strictly Haitian Voodoo, since their exclusively Pethro, Zandor, Congo, or Anmine character is subject to dispute; for, as a rule, a loa is ''Zandor,'' or "Congo" simply because it is served in the Zandor or the Congo rite. This concept recalls the words of Sir James Frazer, who in his book The Golden Bough, Vol. I, page 165, denies the distinction between Janus and Jupiter which is suggested by certain writers on mythology: "... the names of the divinities being identical in substance, though varying in fonn with the dialect of the particular tribe which worshipped them. At first, when the peoples dwelt near each other, the difference between the deities would be hardly more than one of name; in other words, it would be almost purely dialectical. But the gradual dispersion of the tribes, and their consequent isolation from each other, would favor the growth of divergent modes of conceiving and worshipping the gods whom they had carried with them from their old home, so that in time discrepancies of myth and ritual would tend to spring up and thereby to convert a nominal into a real distinction between the divinities . . . thus it might come about that the same ancient deities, which their forefathers had worshipped together before the dispersion, would now be so disguised by the accumulated effect of dialectical and religiOUS divergencies that their original identity might fail to be recognised, and they would take their places side by side as independent divinities ..." Frazer is speaking of certain religious concepts found among Greek and Roman peoples. However, the same phenomenon is observed among African tribes. If by his transfer from Greece to Rome

Zeus became first Jupiter Dianus, then Janus, just so, Heviozo, migrating from the shores of Africa to the shores of Haiti has become Qui- hiesou Dan Leh.

By the very fact that the social tradition is of ancestral origin like that of the Voodoo cult itself, it is a simple matter to discover in the pantheon of the loas a governmental fonn of the social hierarchy. For example:

Legba Adingban Aida Wedo Ogou Ferraille Azaca Mede

King of kings

Queen of heaven, earth, and angels General

Minister of the Interior and of Agriculture

All of these important loas are representatives of a power deriving from an occult origin, a power in fact controlled by the mystere I,cgba. Their power is regarded as passing, by means of Voodoo manic, from mere potentiality to useful action. Functionally, they are all under the houn'gan's corrtrol who, in point of hierarchy, is their chief. The houn'gan, then, controls a force which, on the human-principal level of Legba, synthetizes all the powers of the loas. Therefore he is the one who, in the course of Voodoo ceremonies, is chiefly responsible lor moving from the potentiality to the magical act.

The Roles of the Gods

For the purpose of clarifying thc roles of all the mysteres, it will \11ffice to present several traditional interpretations of the important liindamental loas of the Voodoo Cult. These roles show the reasons why the Haitian Voodooist considers the gods vitally inseparable from himself.

Danbhalah

The return of animal or hossale

Guede :\i-Bo, or Ra Nibbho The risen Christ; the rising sun; the vertical line of the centerpost; the oriental Voodoo priesthood.

These orthodox interpretations reveal that despite all deformations of the magic formulas of origin, the causes of whieh are due to the particular psychology of certain sects and tribes, Voodoo is nevertheless based upon the great supernatural loas whose duty is to bring the material body back into the; higher atmospheres through initiation and ritual.

These symbolic identi6cations have such value as to predominate universally among Voodooists. It is therefore useless to attempt to separate the Congo mysteres from the Anmine, the Anmine from the Pethro, or the Rada from the Nago. Between these "rites" or "nations of loas," all that matters is the difference in the manner of applying the science of magic; for nothing of a scienti6c nature can exist apart from these great basic loas. Thus, the "nations of Africa" (because Africa conceals the galaxy which governs the Holy Spirit) have, each of them, a hidden significance which, in the Voodoo frame of reference, is a scientific universality that differs from tribe to tribe. However, from the purely "national-scientific" or "tribal-scientific" level to the purely aesthetic and moral level, the differences between the rites an’ confirmed. For example, the Rada rite is, as a rule, more moral than the Pethro, since the Rada is traditionally the rite par excellence that governs the moral aspects of the sky under the form of the mystere Ai-Zan A ViU-Ketheh. The mysteres Ai-Da We-do and Da-nbhalah We^Do arc the visihle manifestations of Ra-Da, the serpent, in the oum'phor.

The ethical differences in the ruling position of the serpent Da-n are therefore placed in relation to the basic rites of Voodoo thus:

RAOA  The Star, or Upper Air

NACO  Metal

CONGO Water

PETHRO Fire

IBO  The Word

MINE, OR AN-MINE The Earth

However, each rite, having inherited the tradition in its entirety, is in itself a complete magic system of such a kind that it contains Ihe entire body of symbolic significations. The only difference is that each rite reveals to its own initiates, by its own system of symbolism, its own individual character and the individual cosmic temperament ul the African "nation" with which it is identified.

Danbhalah — the Serpent God

The snake vertebras that adorn the assons of houn'gans and mam'bos represent Danbhalah, while the cephalo.rachidian axis, as well as the fertilizing seed which makes Legba a phallic mystere, are represented hy the center-post of the peristyle. Da, in magic, represents the oldest uf the ancestors, a fact that gives him the right to have the "cosmic "•gg" as his ritual nutriment. Because of his very great age-the age of humanity-tradition holds that Danhhalah Houe-Do never speaks. He "•xpresscs himself, rather, by the hissing of a snake-the sound produced by those whom he possesses during ceremonies. In the Pethro rite, the ritual whistle represents this snake-hissing. Since Pethro is I he rite of solar fire (hwe^zo), the hissing is heard in the roar of the Ilames.

Voodoo langage-the words used in chants--originated from the hissing of the snake, and is, in fact, the direct expression of what is highest placed in the astral-causal. In the Voodoo tradition, then, Danhhalah corresponds to the asson and the bell with which the houo'gan, the highest member of the hierarchy, officiates. The official attributes uf the houn'gan correspond to the rattlesnake, otherwise known as the nmteuvre^a-clochette (bell.snakc). This musical serpent is therefore the most Significant expression of the musical "wood" and the musical ealabashes of the joukoujou, of the calabash and the wooden handle of the asson, as well as of the circle and the se^wnt-adorned wood of the center-post.

Since the center-post is, accordingly, a "solar expression," all the \<icred music of Voodoo produced by the batteries of Pethro, Rada, Congo, and Ibo drums is likewise a solar expression. The center-post of the peristyle is therefore the "magic support" of Voodoo through the mystere Legba Ati Bon.

Since the "reptilian line of the wood" descends from the astral to possess its "white horses" with the personality of Danbhalah, this mysterc appears always to "swim" in grace and to delight totally in metaphysical and hyperphyskal pleasure while seeming at the same time to be lost in active and contemplative joy. This phenomenon is due to the three types of beatitudes recognized in theology: the active, the contemplative. and the joyful.

Now the serpent of the oum'phor personifies the total number o1 beatitudes which the initiates double to fourteen: seven for the body as corporal qualities, seven for the soul as spiritual virtues. So also are all the other mysteres to be considered as so many serpents; and while the serpent Danbhalah or Dan-Gbe expresses the geometric perfection of which all the loas and all ritual performance partake, the loas are all serpents more or less perfect, according to the degree of knowledge they possess.

Danbhalah expresses geometric perfection because in his quality as a mystere he corresponds to the gifts of the holy spirit through his beatitudes, for the church's doctors of theology recognize that the beatitudes correspond to the seven gifts of the holy spirit. Danbhalah is therefore aptly named Dan-{Gift)Bhalah We-Do. Hence, his geometric expression is total and perfect, because, as in theology, a beatitude is, according to St. Thomas, an "operation and ultimate perfection," while Aristotle has defined it as being contained in "the most perfect operation by reason of its power, its practice. and its object." The ritual attitudes of Danbhalah recall to the minds of initiates the best dellnition of the word "bcautitude" that theology has to offer for the instruction of the uninitiated, namely "the ultimate end of rational nature."

The Voodoo Virgin

The female energy of Legba is Erzulie. the Virgin of the Voodoo initiates, commonly called Maitrcsse Erzulie. She personifies another species of serpent, short and coiled upon itself, which feeds upon bananas and which lives chiefly in the ’.vater. Etymologically this short. quick-moving serpent which is thought to run over the virgin ground like a bolt of celestial fire, derives from erinos, which means "fig tree" Dr "banana tree;" and from Erigone, the constellation of the Virgin. Consequently, Erzulie is the most attractive mystere of Voodoo. She is precisely the Voodoo heart, which she shares with Legba, and which is also his attribute. Magically, Erzulie is the lover of Legba in the ,ame sense that Erigone is the lover of Bacchus, that is to say. as mis- in'ss of the water she is the ritual water, while Legba is the eucharistic wine.

In the Voodoo tradition, Maitresse Erzulie fulfills several roles. She is the mysterc of eloquence-the mystere of the word, which she shares ;is an attribute along with Legba. She is the mystere of jealousy, ven- f.mnce, and discord, and on the other hand, the mystere of love, perpetual help, good will, health, beauty, and fortune. Thus, under the same name of Eris, or Eros, she possesses the "golden apple" which in Greek mythology, is the equivalent of the figue-banane of the magical tradition of Voodoo. It is this pomme-banane (apple-banana) that she " :ists among the Three Graces as the mystere of discord, and which slic reaps eventually and shrewdly as mystere of beauty and of sacred iiiiisic under the name of Venus. The tradition then shows her exercising her supernatural powers by means of two serpents that she employs as a magic weapon, at once contradictory and hannoniou5, brandishing one in each hand, and binding in mysterious fashion in her hair.

The Erzulies of vengeance and of ugliness are the terrible loas that I"’ar the names of Marinette-Bois Cheche, Erzulie Toho, Erzulie Zan- .oror Erzulie Mapiangueh. These mysteres twist in fantastic convulsions, indicating even saturnalian cannibalism. They "walk" on the "point" z'araignee (spider).

The Erzulies of wealth and beauty are the great virgins of Voodoo— Tsilah Wedo and Aida Wedo (the serpent-woman of Danbhalah Wedo) , who are the two classic wives of Legba. They "walkn on the points of the fruitful earth, of the "sweet and ripe banana," of 6delity, ,d peace, of pure milk, and of the heart.

The tragic Erzulies of jealousy worship nre. These are the ones who I>iught in the ranks with the soldiers of the war for the independence of Haiti against Napoleon's annies as artillerymen and as prostitutes who instructed the insurgent slaves.,They are fond of alcohol mixed with pepper, raw rum (ta6a) mixed with gunpowder, and their magic attribute is the heart pierced and bloodied with the dagger of the Ogous.

The pure Erzulies of fidelity and of the fecund earth have as a magic attribute a veve of a heart sunnounted by a stellar emblem. This heart is decorated with the homs of the Ram of the Golden Fleece which the ritual of the loa-blanes (white loas) offers to Agoueh R Oyo, the marine spouse of Erzulie. The heart is marked off in squares to reveal the peace which reigns on the earth when the virtues of the Virgin prevail through her bidding. The points placed in the middle of the squares indicate that this bidding is the solar achievement of the post which is right in the middle of the heart and which, like the center-post, corresponds exactly with the banana tree whose leaves lead to 1M under the name bateau d'Erzulie (bark of Erzulie). This heart is thai of the central mystere which Voodoo initiates call “The Queen of Heaven and Earth." Erzulie, as bark or as wife of Agoueh, corresponds to the bed of banana leaves which leads the initiates to the sky.

Following are several names used to call Erzulie in the course of a service: Maitresse Erzulie Freda Dahoumin, Negresse Imamou Ladeh, Negresse ToCan, Negresse Miroi^U, Negresse Za-Gaza, Negresse Rada Freda Dahoumin, Lorvana Freda-sih Fre—Da, Lib Freda.sih, Lib Fre—Da et I'Freda Ii Dahounin d'accord, Negresse Fla-voudoun Freda, Negresse Ci-za-fleur voudoun, Negresse Ci-bracan, Negresse Thabor Mangnan Voude.

^Other Voodoo Gods

Ogou Bhathalah is a part of the anny of Ogou loas considered in the African tradition as the fathers of alchemy. In the universal tradition, Bhathalah corresponds to the 6rst large blade of the Tarot (the Jug. gler), whose hat is the sign of the Muniversal life." This is the Magus (Wise One) or spirit par excellence. Bhathalah personi6es the "discipline of chaos" because it is he who directs, with the magic wand, the cosmic traffic. Bhathalah "disentangles the roads" by placing himself, like a traffic officer, at the magic crossroads. The scriptural reference to his occult function is found in Ezekiel XXI, 19-21: “The Lord says. Appoint thee two ways, that the sword of the king of Babylon may rorne . . , For the king of Babylon stood at the parting of the way. at the head of the two ways, to use divination,"

The "swordstroke of Ogou" means that the Ogou mysteres (leas of lire) or "stellar powers, creators of the intellect" are descended from heaven through a fissure sharped like the female sex organ represented Iiy the planet Venus (Enulie, in Voodoo). These are the mysteres who are "forgers," like the aelohim which descend from the Jewish Aziluth, or like the "Lords of the Flame" in Indian mythology. The Ogous in flU' Voodoo tradition bear the "fire of heaven" or the luminous fire of Venus" shaped in the forge to represent a short serpent which traverses Ih" planetary earth and sows fire. "Ogou's swordstroke" means also the w of kissing the top of the 8agpoles during the course of the ritual Voodoo salutations performed by the fiagbearers.

In Voodoo, Luci-Fer, whose name is also Ogou-Fer. is Venus, the morning star. It is called "Bayacou star" because it accompanies the ’uii each morning to explain the "earthly necessities" or "needs."

Mademoiselle Charlotte is a loa who manifests herself with the per- ,"uality traits of a white woman. She is therefore regarded as a European or Caucasian loa who "works" in the Voodoo pantheon. However'; ,114’ appears during the course of Voodoo ceremonies only rarely, possibly because of her non-African origin.

Ail extremely fastidious spirit, Mademoiselle Charlotte loves the •.Irid observance in her honor of all the niceties of ritual protocol. She prefers to speak French; so it is extremely curious to hear her speak .H a Voodoo ceremony, especially since her ’norse" is invariably a l.l.u’k Haitian. It is nothing less than astonishing to hear an unedu- e.ded peasant, whose ignorance of French is beyond question, sudd" lily handle the language so perfectly. Whenever Charlotte appears, die astonishes people as much as certain mysteres who enable their

,"ounts" to speak fluent Spanish or English.

slU' is "served" in much the same way ar Maitresse Erzulie. She " ii|oys sweet rose-tinted, blue-, white-, or cream-colored beverages; w.,kr sweetened with syrup; all kinds of nonalcoholic liqueurs; al- ilum).!:h she never refuses a good drink of clairin, a fact that suggests >1ii’ "walks" not only in the Rada rite but sometimes in the Pethro rite .... wdl Her favorite color is rose. She is passionately fond of acassan, .. d,dicious, mushy drink consisting of boiled cornmeal sweetened with i .iii4’ juice of the kind Haitians call gros sirop batterie. This juice, how-

ever, must be exceedingly clear and highly refined; otherwise she will replace it with plain white sugar. She prefers the meat of young chickens as her ritual food offering, but the meat must be extremely tender.

Mademoiselle Charlotte is a voudoun whose services are difficult to obtain. She refuses to "work" for just anyone at all, but only for people to whom she takes a fancy.

Dinclinsin is another European mystere. Legend has it that both Dinclinsin and Mademoiselle Charlotte came to Haiti with the colonists. Once the cult had become established on Haitian soil, he began to appear in the Voodoo ceremonies of the African slaves in the same way as the other mysteres, by "possessing" a ritual "horse,"

Dinclinsin became a loa of the Rada rite. He is greatly feared because of his extreme severity. He apparently also "walks," like Charlotte. in the Pethro rite as well, since he is not averse to rum, talla, or clairin. However, he does not drink, but rather pours the liqnor into his pockets. His special trick is to pour the liquor into his pockets without getting his clothes wet. The liquor does not remain in his pockets, nor does it trickle out! No one can see where it goes! (Certain other mysteres drink through the nose, the ears, and even the eyes. One mystere, Pin'ga, even eats razor blades.)

4

Symbols of Voodoo

V00000 has many important symbols to aid its magic. Only through the use of these symbols is the Voodoo adherent able to attain the assistance of the loas in helping him with his earthly problems.

The Veves

The veves are without any doubt the most spectacular ceremonial factor of Voodoo. The veves arc designs traced upon the ground of ^e peristyle or the cum'phor, or upon all sorts of objects, even ritual food. In the region of Port-au-Prince the veves are made with great care so that they are clearly visible and almost geometrically Bawless. Elsewhere, however, it is made carelessly and crudely; and in some regions it is not used at all, for example in the oum'phors in the neighborhood of Gonaives.

The veves represent figures of the astral forces in a different way than the asson does. Their manufacture in the oum'phor is the reproduction by Voodoo magic of the astral forces themselves. This fact

signifies that the veves, considered as astral forces, are necessarily personified by the star-ancestors whose cult is Voodoo-these ancestors being themselves personified by the loas, the spirits, the voudoun. or the mysteres that "mount" the Voodooists.

In the course of Voodoo ceremonies, the reproduction of the astral forces represented by the veves obliges the loas (who are representations of heavenly bodies, stars, and planets) to descend to earth. On first consideration, this may appear improbable; however, nothing is truer, more obvious, or more palpable. and the explanation, given here for the first time, caD be easily verified. As a visitor at a Voodoo service, one has only to consider the interrelation of the ritual factors as explained here in order to be easily convinced.

Depending upon the rite, the veve is traced with wheat flour, com meal, Guinea-flour (wood ashes), powdered leaves, red brick powder, rice powder (face powder), and even gunpowder, powdered charcoal, bark, or roots.

As a rule, the milder rites such as the Rada, a solar rite, require white or yellow wheat. Tradition, though not always respected, demands that com meal be used for the intennediate or less mild rites, whereas red brick powder or red dust or ashes belong to the fire rites whose cabalistic agents can, if need be, serve upon the pomis-chauds (hot-points)-not that these rites are fundamentally or necessarily evil, but rather because they have a greater tendency to burn when they are improperly or imprudently employed.

The powder of leaves, if the leaves are of the soothing variety, can be used for the mysteres of the points-frettes (cold-points). If the powder is made of noxious leaves or merely of the "stinging" variety, it can "walk with" the so-called "Bois-Piquant" (pungent-wood) loas, the loas of the fiery rites: the Pethro and the Zandor.

Gunpowder serves to precipitate magically the mysteres.

Face powder, scarcely used in Haiti, if at all, for veves, is traditionally employed for the brilliant mysteres that "walk on the resplendent points" of the Sun: Erzulie Za-Gaza, the mystere loltibe Visciere, and Legba Brillant Soleil. For face powder symbolizes the purification, at a very high degree, of the ceremonial and sacrificial material. These brilliant mysteres correspond necessarily to the most splendid stellar and planet^y elements in the whole Voodoo organization of Legba Ati-Bon, not only because the magic system of Legba is the solar system, but also because the formula which deSignates the various types of powder is a part of Legba's own name: ati-n. Ati-n, then, means (Jtj- ("magic wood" or "magic master") and -n ("of astral space").

Therefore, in considering this veve which is a synthesis of space, of the astral, and of their powers through Legba. we see a synthesis of the veve principle.

In the ritual geometry of Voodoo, most of the veves include the serpent as a symbol of the transmigration of souls, since God, or the serpent Da, in accordance with the Platonic tradition, is primarily a geometrician.

In principle, the Voodoo veves are three astral planes that are the three "pneumes" of the African Cabala, being the three stages of the alchemic "soulJteurs" or "prompters." These three astral planes are arranged in the diagram according to the magical attributes of the loas. This is the meaning given these planes by the tradition of the Great Solar Invisibles of Voodoo: (1) the invisible source of the stars. or the divine cosmos of omniscience. represented by the father or "Pierome,"which is the idea of the preexisting light of the sun; (2) the visible stars whose light, coming from the Plerome is filtered by the moon or planetary cosmos of science. represented by the son or "Paraclete" which is the light of the sun; (3) the tangible objects, or physical cosmos of omnipotence of omniscience, represented by the mother as inc^ate mysteres (the loa "crisis") or "Ophanim"

In Voodoo. the father is "Omnipotent" or "Ate-Gbi-Ni-M-On-Se, as "Inexpressible" (the fire-air serpent); the son is the "Knowing One" or "Le-Gba Ati-Gbon, as "Expression of the Inexpressible Invisible" (snake-wood); the mother is the "Omniscient" or Ai-Da Hwe-Do. as "Concretion of the Inexpressible Grand Invisible" (earth-eater serpent).

The three astral planes correspond to a serpent-synthesis which is ophitomorphic or ophitopentamorphic, that is to say, which unites together as a macrocosm, all the elements of the microcosm or “human being." Thus it is that as serpent (ophi-) and mystere (as or so) with five heads (pentamorphic) these planes correspond to the five degrees of the Loa:

SOD THO-RAH MI-CH-NA-as THA-EL-MUD GUE-MA-RAH

Mysteres or Loas Letter (of the Loa) Spirit (of the Loa) Ritual (of the Loa) Complement (of the Loa)

These are the universal similarities of what Voodoo calls veves: the Ky-il-k-or, which like the veve is a ritual diagram designed ceremonially by the Tihctans on the ground with colored powders; the Man-Da- Lah of the Hindus; the Persian, Arabian, Berber Tha-pi or Tapis, upon which the faithful squats or kneels in order to arise towards the In- visihlcs; the magic buckler of the Aztecs and Toltecs; the Ora-i-Bi Po-Wa-Nu of the Precolumbian Indian rituals; the Chinese Lit Of Lih; and the sand paintings of the American Indians. The veve, like its parallels, is a geometric, propitiatory support of planetary origin, and at the same time a condenser of astral forces designed to lead on the sacrificial victims.

Every time the celebrant prepares to trace a veve he should say, after orienting the material to be used in making the diagram, "By the power of the Loa LETE-MAGIE, Negre Danhome, all the veves, Negro Bhacoulou Thi-Kaka."

The Asen

The assen is another synthesis in Voodoo, a greater one, it might be said, than the veve. It is an iron object, a rod surmounted by a round plate fastened horizontally, which from a hermetic standpoint relates to the loas of fire and the forge who, beginning with the siderial action of the heavenly bodies, are at the base of Voodoo doctrine and revelation. Thus, although the veves by geometric sympathy attract the astral powers of the loas, in order to oblige them to “work" in the peristyle or in the oum'phor or anywhere else, the power of the assen, if it has been prepared well, is stronger, in the sense that it is more compact and more concentrated. By its magical principle which is the finest and the most highly developed, it serves, as a ritual object, to make an unfailing success of any intercession in the fonn of a prayer or a sacrificial offering. For this reason govis and candles are placed upon the assen, the ritual fonn of which may be anything from that of a stake or a simple cross to the most complex shapes, more complex, in fact, than the cabalistic form of the parasol.

Placed upon the assen, the govis and candles have a remarkable power of intercession. Consequently, every sacrificial offering presented in proper fashion upon the small iron plate atop the assen has a much greater chance of being accepted by the mysteres for whom it is intended.

In Africa. at any rate in Dahomey. from the moment a person is initiated into Voodoo. he automatically acquires his assen. There are even regular markets specializing in the sale of 85sens.

Amulets and Talismans

Amulets and talismans, called ouangas and bakas. represent a sort of superior soul to the Voodoo adherent. The bah plays the role of guardian angel, while the ouanga fulfills the function attributed to an image, a scapular, a rosary. or a chaplet. The Voodooist usually carries such a talisman and may address it any time external danger threatens him.

The baka represents two forces: a superior force or aerial soul, and an inferior force or terrestrial soul. The fusion of these elements lends a rather dangerous character to this magic entity which is the perfect hah. A person has only to serve the baka incorrectly to have it ^turn against its owner and do him irremediable harm by reason of the very. duality of its composition. On the other hand, whoever knows how to serev the baka obtains amazing results from it.

In Haiti, the term baka has come to have a somewhat pejorative meaning, most likely because bakas have sometimes been employed for doubtful purposes. Whoever possesses a baka has at his disposal an evil power as well as a beneficial power. The evil power overcomes the beneficial (as with all other powers) if the owner of the baka fulfills his destiny under the influence of the evil power. However, if it is the beneficial power that he "serves," then the baka is simply hene6cial

All things considered, an account of the analysis and a description of all the various Voodoo-prepared ouangas can be omitted because, considered from the standpoint of magic, they may be included with all such magical preparations as bakas, which have in essence and purpose the nature of the two souls-the superior and the inferior.

The Voodoo bah. for the person knowing how to prepare or employ nne, represents all the legions of angels and demons over which King Solomon had power, according to Voodoo tradition. Solomon was the perfect initiate, the representative of the "temple." Thus, because he had in his possession a magic figure which embraced all esoteric signs, he made use of both angels and demons as he desired. The sign. which may not be revealed to the uninitiated, has reference to Christ (the Voodoo Legba) as "Master of the Invisibles," and its magic correspondence is the sun.

The Voodooist does not exaggerate, then, when he claims that for himself alone the baka synthetizes the entire ritual and re1igious constitution and all the magiC practice of Voodoo. All the mysteres are found in its clever composition. It is Simultaneously a magic charm, protection, sacrifice, and perfonnance; a terrestrial soul, a celestial soul, a cult, atheism, a magic weapon, threat, and danger, a magic prohibition, sacrificial victim; the concept of divinity. demonism. riches, catastrophe, health, sickness, life and death.

The Voodoo baka has an importance in magic of such a kind that every great initiate in the cult realizes that it may perfectly represent all poSSible and imaginable practices of the cult as well as of Voodoo magic. However. it would be wrong to believe that the baka principle. in magic as in religion, is limited to Voodoo alone. Persistent research reveals it everywhere, though under different names. In the learned magic of the Egyptian temples Osiris, as the mystere who guides the souls of the dead, personifies it, playing the same part that Ra Nibbho plays in Voodoo magic, since in Egypt the haka has a double function which, for those who understand its employment, is not one of disagreement or occult discord, but rather of harmony, happy union, practical coalescence, and success in magic.

Baka, in the magic of Egypt just as in the magic of Haiti, has the folloWing meaning, understood even by the uninitiated: the mystere ba or bha-found for example in the name of the mystere Dan-Bha-Lah We-Do and of the Nago mysh^re Ba-cossou-is the superior soul which resides in the material body from its embryonic stage only to inculcate in it the idea of the good. At death it returns to the high solar regions of the atmosphere where the Voodoo cult has its magical origin, letting the dead and decaying body remain with the inferior soul with which it had shared the body during life.

The inferior soul is then the ka, or ca. Hence, after death the body is said to be ka-ba. The ka does not rise to the high atmospheric regions of the sun at the death of the body. It remains, by its nature, with the corpse, hovering about and battening on its noxious stench as if the earth which contains the decay of the pun-Hying 8esh were its own psyche. It even abides in all the objects that once belonged to the corpse, and it is responsible for all the dread that the deceased's close friends experience in the houses in which he lived. Certain magical operations confer upon it a terrible power. Some houn'gans go and gather up the ka in the cemetery, where it naturally stays hovering over and feeding upon the corpse. These houn'gans then make use of it in "sending a 'mort' (dead person)" to take possession of, for example, an enemy, and a special magical operation is required in order to "remove the 'mort' from the body" of the individual whom the ka has possessed.

And so, whenever a person brings flowers to place upon a tomb, or "gives a feast" to the dead, it is the ka that, consciously or unconsciously, he is symbolically and magically assuaging. A kind prayer, a pretty flower, sweet music, mitigates its pernicious instincts and restores it to the less abyssal regions of the tomb. But the greatest blessing one can bestow upon the ka consists in magically purifying it to the extent of elevating it to the high region of the ba. Special sacrifices in the Voodoo rites lead to this elevation, and this type of sacrifice comes under the designation of "boulez zain les morts" or "ouan. win."

In the so-called "froid" (cold) rites, the ko's deliverance is brought about by the cussez-canori ceremony, which consists, substantially, in breaking one or more canoris (jars) with blows of a stick, and then depositing the broken pieces at a crossroads or at some other designated spot. This operation is accompanied by funereal music called "M-houn" produced by beating upon calabashes held over the surface of water.

The Joukoujou

The notched and graduated pole called the joukoujou represents the Tree of Good and Evil-the orbre-sec ("dry tree" or Sun) and the arbre-mouilU ("wet tree" or Moon). Because of its double-faced magic, it "walks" both in the Pethro and in the Rada rites, the two "polar rites" of Voodoo.

The joukoujou, in the powers of the astral, consequently represents the Balance which cabalistically serves to weigh out both good and evil. On the one hand the Guede loas personify death; on the other hand the Legba loas personify life. For this reason the joukoujou is the traditional symbol of the ensemble of loas.

The pole of Guede is called "wet," since Guede is the mystere of the physical fertility which he exempli6es in his behaviour during a ceremony. When Legba uses the pole as his staff, however, it is called "dry," because Legba is the loa o£ virginal fertility. The two loas together represent, therefore, the two extreme poles of cosmic and cabalistic eroticism. Like the handle of the assan, the wooden pole of the joukoujou, through its similar symbolism to the center-post. is one of the principal elements of Voodoo. Both of these instruments are, in fact, images or doublings of the center-post.

The lower part of the joukoujou is called the "black horse" or "black dog," (meaning the opposite of life). The upper part is called the "white horse" or "white dog;" wherefore the Guede loas dress in black when they possess someone, while Danbhalah's ritual horses put on white. Consequently, the lower part of the pole refers to the Guedes' domain of death, and the upper part to the Legbas' domain of life. The black horse or black dog is "mounted," in principle, by the chief mystere of the cemetery: Baron Samedi, the astral Saturn. The white horse or white dog, on the other hand, is "mounted" by the mystere Danbhalah, the astral source of the sun. Hence, in principle, Danbhalah's traditional dress during possessions is white, while the Guedes show a marked preference for black or at least very dark clothing. The extreme difference in taste of these two groups of mysteres shows that the pole of the joukoujou, in its geometric totality, represents by its notches all stages of Voodoo initiation from that of the houn'sih bossales to that of the houn'gan.

The Balance, which in the Astral is the major symbol of the joukoujou, "walks" on the cabalistic points of the calabash that ascends and descends on the notched pole, that is to say, on all the magic points of Erzulie Freda Dahome Toean Miroise Zagaza, the Magic Mirror. This mirror-pole, marked off in degrees or notches, belongs to Legba and Baron Cemetery (another name for Baron Samedi), and is the same pole that is found in the hands of the Egyptian Thoth or the Greek Hermes. It weighs the qualities that pennit the physical body to have a soul matching a particular degree of initiation, the metempsychosis of Guede being considered as a test of initiation. For this reason the djevos (initiation chambers) of ancient oum'phors were themselves considered as tombs. In the story of Moses' initiation at the hands of Pethro, it is reported that Moses was actually dead during the (•nlire period of his initiatory trial when he was confined in the di'evo, just as the Voodoo initiates are confined today. Now just as every "degree" of the soul corresponds, in magic, to a "degree" of color, the notches on the joukoujou correspond to the various colors on the ("enter-post of Legba (who stands for the life which successively follows each separate death according to degrees), and these colors in turn not only match the rainbow of Erzulie (upon the "point" of Ai-Da Houe-Do, the principal wife of Legba) but they also assume the reptilian form of Danbhalah Houe-Do.

Perfumes

If the assen represents one of the best means of transmitting sacrificial offerings from the earth to the most highly evolved loas of the astral, perfUmes likewise hold a high place among ritual factors. The perfumes are not employed in the rites without purpose, or simply for vanity's sake, to enhance mortal individuals; rather, they are used in the service of the immortals, who are the loas that mortals serve in the ritual. Perfume may even be applied to all the other components of the ritual, in which they play a pre-eminent part.

It will be recalled that the mystere Erzulie has, as her metaphysical attribute, everything that pertains to self-adornment and personal hygiene, such as toilet water, soap, plain water, comb, brush, pins, and brooches. The most prominent of these items are her greatcs magical attributes: brooches, dresses, kerchiefs, negligees, silks, lace, embroidery, foulards, and above all, jewelry.

Consequently, since the mystere Maitresse Erzulie personifies the Ceremonial and Sacrificial Material which ascends, everything pertaining to self-adornment that is composed of the finest material occupies, in magic, a transcendent place. It follows naturally and by analogy that perfumes hold first place in the magic of transcendence. Furthermore, the finest gift that a person can give a loa is a bottle of perfume, or even a drop of perfume. Given perfume, a mysbere is immediately racished, his immateriality being allowed, as it were, a sort of ruper.immaterility.

Perfume offered is more efficacious if it is the kind that the loa to whom it is offered prefers. Every mystere has his own particular perfume, inasmuch as this perfume has its counterpart in what the Voodoo Initiatic calls the Sacred Osmology, or Science of Odors.

Just as every mystere is identified with a degree in the astral ab mosphere, every perfume has there its counterpart attaching to its mystere. Consequently. one very often sees the houn'gan sprinkling the astral atmosphere of the oum'phor with perfume. Unfortunately, Haitian houn'gans have gotten into the habit of choosing Florida Water as the ritual perfume. This choice is apparently based upon economic considerations (Florida Water is relatively inexpensive), rather than upon the established preference of the mysteres themselves. Perhaps the name of this perfume has something to do with the choice: one of the mystical forms of Erzulie is a mystere called FWrizon, or Fleurison!

The leaves that enter into the composition of the magic baths, as well as all other ingredients employed in the magic of the peristyles and of the oum'phors proper, are chosen primarily because of their odors; for the matrrial itself of any object has no cabalistic significance at all, just as if it were entirely bereft of soul or power without its scent.

Ritual Flags

The magnificent ritual flags are made right in the oum'phor. They are fashioned of colored cloth corresponding to the chromatic temperaments of the mysteres under whose influence they are made, and all their beauty lies in the designs which artists, themselves initiates, first create, then embellish with multicolored pailettes. A flag consecrated, for example, to Ogou Fer would be adorned with a pailette design in the colors of the mystere representing Saint James on his white horse battling the infidels.

The ritual flags demonstrate the importance in magic of the acceptance of ceremonial offerings by the mysteres to whom the offerings are dedicated. They symbolize this very acceptance which is referred to as "the ravishing of the sacrificial material by the Invisibles." Furthermore they symbolize the material already accepted, already "ravished," in the highest atmospheres of the Astral Light by the "wind of the spirit" which removes it into the dazzling splendor of the sun "via the canal of the vertical line of the center-post."

This predominant function of the ritual flags illustrates why they are made as lovely as possible, and are as costly as the finances of the oum'phor pennit. The prices of some flags are as astronomical as the stars they symbolize. Some oum'phors have gone bankrupt paying for them.

When not in use, the flags are customarily leaned against the pe where they renew their psychic virtue; for they develop a formidable psychic power as soon as they are taken out of the inner oum'phor. This power is further increased, especially as the flag's recessional from the holy of holies is sometimes accompanied by a regular mob of pcople waving brilliantly colored scarfs and crowding the circuitous path of the flag in the oum'phor area.

The flags are carried by two houn'sihs, usually women, traditionally {"ailed co-dropeaux. These flag bearers surround a male houn'sih called Iii pWce or commandant la place, who gUides their movements. Their movements are exciting, always in accordance with the magic system of a symbolism which requires that the ceremonial material be of an exceptional lightness, in accordance with the condition which naturally effects its "ravishment."

The ritual function of La Place can be understood from Genesis, which states that after Adam and Eve had tasted the forbidden fruit, God "drove out the man; and he placed at the east of the Garden of Eden cherubims and a flaming sword which turned every way, to keep the way of the tree of life." Therefore, “to keep the way" of the poteau-mitan, the Voodoo tradition requires La Place to brandish his machete or his sword across the oum'phor, starting from the east. The post is the arbTe-se or arbTe-sec, the spiritual "tree of life," while the i'ast is the door of the oum'phor which opens onto the peristyle.

As soon as La Place steps out of the oum'phor. he leads the co- drapeaux in a perfect performance of the ritual salutations addressed in hierarchic order first to the drums. the center-post, the officiating huon'gan or mam'ho, then to all the other houn'gans and mambos who may be present. Finally, a special salutation is given to distinguished guests, initiated or not, who are present though not actually participating in the ceremony.

After the salute to the drums and before the other salutations, La

Place leads the co-drapeaux outside to salute the reposoirs in the yard. During this time especially, the exhibition of the flags is particularly spectacular. The evolutions of the three participants reach a stage in which they become a veritable riot of multicolored silk, in which the ritual sword of La Place executes such a lacework of patterns in the air that it is a wonder how he always manages to keep from injuring anyone.

Sword of La Place

The sword itself also plays an important role in the ceremony. Magically, it is the emblem and the attribute of the Ogaus, loas whose most prestigeous religious personification is St. James the Great. From this it necessarily follows that it is the Ogaus who in the African tradition "ravish" transcendentally the ritual material.

The true name of La Place's sword is ku-bha-sah, a word that necessarily implies that "the greatest of the invisibles" (Bha) "has slain or abolished" (kou, ku) "all that which is material, all that which is the depths or the abyss" (sah). In short, it may be said that the movements of the ritual flags in Voodoo are a magical totality and summit. They encompass and epitomize Voodoo.

Because of the sword's action in abolishing the material substance, the bha-sah portion of the word ku-bha-sah signifies "cutting," while the sword of La Place is the ritual epitome of the sacrificial knives. It is also called the Ogoubhasah in that it is the counterpart of the staB of Ogoubhatalah. In Africa, La Place's sword has the name of "Father of Cutting Weapon," and it represents traditionally the best work of the ironsmith, since in the Voodoo tradition, it is the mystere who works iron (Ogou Fer) who reveals to men the secrets of Voodoo magic.

Actually this ritual sword should be engraved with geometric designs corroborating the basis of the phYSical and metaphysical architecture of the oum'phor. a custom now abolished, to all intents and pu^wses, in the cum-phor of Haiti. The African houn'gans regarded these designs as representing primarily the sun of Legba, the thunderstone or axe of Qm?biesou, and the triangles, which recall the conical fonn of the drums. Part of the blade is serrated to represent the pro-

).:ress of the ritual offerings, slain by the instrument of the Ogous, lowards the celestial regions, which are their destination.

The sword, the machete, or the dagger of the Ogous represents the serpent Dan^Bah-Lah (da, dan) in wrought iron (goo. ogou). For this reason, among the oracular signs of the magic alphabet the African \ign of the Ogous is gou-da or ogou-dan. The sword is considered also to be the male organ of the mystere Quebiisou Dan Leh (The Thunder). This weapon-knife, sword, machete, or dagger-is what kills (okou) the sacrificial victim. It is also called okou-bha-sah. and insofar as it is the rod of Quebiesou or of the Thunder, it has a close connec- lion with the center-post of the peristyle and the socle, the character "f both of which is sexual, for Quebiesou is an ancient Legba, one of t he wisest of all the Legbas. This snake-weapon is therefore one of the most important factors in Voodoo.

Foods of Voodoo

A discussion of the favorite foods of the loas is fraught with difficulties and should not be based solely on Voodoo as practiced in Ilaiti. Nor should it be said dogmatically that the menus prepared in the Haitian ritual for the mysteres are absolutely orthodox. What Voodoo orthodoxy usually means by the ritual feeding-the ^&gic I rophology-of the loas will be explained first. Then some notes will follow on the foods which Haitian cultists generally offer.

First, it must be remembered that all the ritual foods have their magical correspondence in the astral. Just as Erzulie loves perfume, I.egba prefers the bones of the animal sacrifices, because these elements correspond to certain degrees of the atmosphere. For in Voodoo the ritual foods are offered in order to nourish, to enliven or fortify, and to make contact with the invisible powers. The better the ritual food is adapted to the loas' requirements, the greater the magical power immediately available.

It is therefore up to the Voodooist to learn the food preferences of the loas whom he invokes and whom he must consequently feed in order to have their power at his disposal. So, if Legba prefers bones hut he is given tripe, he either gives a por performance or else he fails altogether to do what is requested of him, because his potential astral correspondence has been poorly developed or not developed at all.

For the purpose of analogy to which we shall return presently. the sacrificial offering is always placed on the crossroads of a veve. or on whatever part of a ritual design represents the crossroads (since any cross formed by two straight intersecting lines is analogous to a crossroad) in order that its astral recipient will be more disposed to accept it.

Since the crossroads is geometrically and logically related to Legba An Bon (the Sun), the ritual fact alone proves that the person who makes the sacrificial offering joins, for his own practical purposes. the vertical forces of all astral space with the horizontal forces. For this reason Legba is referred to in some chants as Legba Grand-Chemin (Legba of the Highway) and Maitre Grand-Chemin (Master of the Highway). The "highway" is, in principle and in essence, the interferential nucleus of the cross.

The depositing of the sacrifice on this geometric crossroads for its ensuing consignment to the astral-causal accords necessarily with all the scientific significance of the cross.

Since the cross and the square of the cross are formed respectively by two and by four separate squares, the Square (which is the Grand Master of the astral-causal) symbolizes the passive material of the sacrifice which has been rectified, organized, actuated, activated, and balanced by the person who places it at the crossroads of Legba, who is, accordingly, the master of the astral-causal.

In Voodoo, this magic crossroads is synthetized in the harrieT because, like the crossing of the roads, the barrier opens the ways to permit passage. The follOWing chant explains the concept of this opening of the ways of the astral by which the material of the rectified, organized, and balanced sacrifice will ascend:

Ati Bon Legba, oum barie pou moin, ago yel

Voudoun Legba, ouvri barrie pou moin, pou moin ca ren- cre.

L'bei m'a tounin, m'a remercie loa-yo.

Ati Bon Legba, open the barrier for me, ago rehl Voudoun Legba, open the barrier for me, so that I can re-enter.

When I return

I shall thank the loss.

The African formula "Ago Yel" is the nucleus of this chant, for it iiwans (Ago) "attention," and (Ye) "to the soul," or "to the psyche represented by the sacrifice." It is the voodoo Mercury who conducts the ’oul from the visible to the invisibles, starting from the crossroads, aud who then leads the invisibles to the crossroads to receive the \;icrifice. The Voodoo Mercury has the name of Simm, a loa of many krms. He is the conductor of souls who leads the souls of the dead in all directions bordered by the four magic orients of the cross. He is 1 hit’ Messiah of Legba. the messenger of the sun. Simbi corresponds io the hermetic Mercury of the cabalistic alchemy of the ritual sacrifice. Thus, he is simultaneously Hermes and Mercury-a boundary- i:"d or milestone-god of roads and highways, as well as a genius of points of crossing. Simbi is the creative principle of the seminal vesi- " k because, in the Voodoo tradition, Legba, as cente^wst. is himself Ilw principle of the magic wand and the spinal marrow. In the science <>r Voodoo as elsewhere. the sacrifice principle is identified with the human principle, the greatest of all sacrifices when placed upon the noss. The analogy of "man-and-cross" then becomes the phallic form attributed to the mysh^re Ati Bon Legba.

The fo^mng of a cross in order to utilize its power as a force of t\ ature requires the fonnula of the loa which represents the most powerful of divine intercessions: the intercession "grand-mattre- mmtre-et-maitresse" (grand master-master-and-mistress), formed by lhe African trinity:

Dan-Bha-Lah GRAND MAITRE

LEGBA or LAH MAITRE

ERZULIE MAITRESSE

The magic formula of this intercession is therefore

(Jesus) YE-SOU: YE- = soul, psyche, the magic mirror SOU = male. or creator

(Christ) the Cross:produced by the special crossing of Danbhalah and Erzulie

The "mirror" is the definitive attribute of Erzulie's adornment and represents Erzutie herself—Erzulie Mirror U or Erzulie Mjroir 1.0— (meaning the mirror of Legba on the "point" of Jupiter the Thunderer, the father of Simbi); while the philological aspect of the soul reveals that the mystere Erzulie is a "silver mirror" (the moon) crossed with yesOtl, or "gold" (the Sun). Therefore. because of the spacial crossing of the sacrificial cross of Voodoo, Erzulic is the loa of riches. In Voodoo this means the same thing as omniscience.

This astral asped of the soul through sacrifice indicates therefore why Voodoo is an animistic cult. Furthennore, the following chant selected from the liturgical repertory of Voodoo clearly suggests this problem:

Grande Ai-Zan, salue Legbal A l'heu qu'i! e l'argent casse roche.

M'a pe mande coument dous ye?

Salue Legba.

Creoles sonde miroi Legba.

Ai-Zan vie. vie.

Vie Legba.

Creoles sonde miron Legba.

Legba vie, vie.

Creoles, sonde miroi Ati Bon Legbal

Grande Ai-Zan (who represents the purity of Legba),

salute Legbal

Now silver breaks rock.

I am asking how you are?

Salute Legba.

Creoles, sound Legba's mirror.

Ai-Zan, old one, old one, Old Legba, Creoles, sound Legba's mirror. Legba, old one, old one.

Creoles, sound Ati Bon Legba's mirror.

The significance of the expression sonde miroi, which occurs in many chants, and may be translated freely "plumb the depths of the mirror," or "search in the mirror," is one of the greatest secrets of Voodoo.

There are certain traditional correlations between the mysteres and animals which clarify the animating principle-the very soul- principle-of Voodoo magiC, and illustrate it in accordance with the principles of universal magic rather than with those of any dubious tradition. They also reveal through the very animal character of the loas the sacrifices preferred by them as animals (unless for contrary occult reasons the animal sacrifices be among the "forbidden rituals").

Danbhalah (Ye Dan-GM) make, snake's eggs

Legba  lion, white sheep (bones and

marrow)

Ai-dan

Erzulie

Agassou (Ati-A-Sou)

Loko Ati-Sou

Ogou-Fer Agoueh-R-Oyo

Cuede Z'aringnin

Ai-Zan Avele Kethe

AssatO (largest of the

drums)........

AssatO or Azinto Micho

To-Kpo Voudoun

snake (revealing the character of the snake which the Virgin crushes underfoot, or "eats"); white pigeons

"aziza" or "azili" snake (which corresponds to mirrors, perfumes, toothpastes, powders, silk cloth, lace, etc., because this type of snake signifies "cosmic adornment" or the "purification of sacrificial matter")

royal leopard (the guardian-loa of the Dahomean Voodoo Tradition)

lizard, agama

red bull (the color of fire)

bull, sheep (black or white, depending upon the purposes of the magic)

spider-crab

crab

crab

alligator, crocodile (mystere of Haitian Independence who supervised the strategy of the Rada loas during the ceremonies of the Bois-Caiman and the Trou-Caiman)

The Voodoo sacrifice leads to a comprehension of the cabalistic idea of crucifixion. However, the animal which personifies each loa does not always suffice for the accomplishment of its magic, especially hccause Haitian Voodoo has lost part of its recollection of these important astro-animal identifications. The magic menu of the loas therefore is broadened to include other food offerings more available for ceremonial presentation, because of the fact that all the traditional

ones are not available in Haiti. Consequently, the leas' menu is at once simpler and more complex. Here are a few examples:

Ai-Zan: green bananas, white rice, white glazed cakes, white desserts, white syrup. pure water, sweet liqueurs, pumpkins, yams, tayo malangas, essence of cinnamon, star anise, vanilla, white and brown poultry, sweet fruit of lianas; assoiossi, calebassi, grenadines.

Danbhalah Wedei corn flour, wheaten flour, olive oil, castor oil, cakes, Cola Champagne (a Haitian soft drink, substituted homophoni- cally for cola nuts, the divine attribute of the greatest of the African mysteres: Apha or Pha, whose geographic counterpart is Ifa or He and La Ville Aux Camps), various fruits, champagne, orgeat served in white cups, pastry on white plates, sweetened coffee, an egg (preferably a snake's egg) upon a white saucer of white flour, white wine, white desserts or those prepared with milk, pure milk, and powdered sugar.

In Voodoo the sun is personified by Legba Ati Bon (Legba Tree- of-the-Good). While Legba represents in anatomy the vertebral column (hence his preference for the bones and marrow), he is also identified with the vertebral bones of the oum'phor-the poteau-mitan. He is also represented by the little magic snake bones (which in turn suggest the bones of ancestors) which decorate the asson with which the houn'gans and mambos direct the ceremonies, dances, and ritual chorus. Legba or his post is therefore the "column" of the oum'phor- boa-ltJ-couleuvre-from which the columns of the other temples— Boh^—will be derived.

This wood-principle, or Bohas-principle of the Voodoo temple consists not only of the post (the Sun) but also of the loa which magically guards it-Ati Dan Lbo Loko.

Because in the Voodoo tradition Legba Ati Bon is considered the greatest medical doctor and the greatest magician, he claims the same tree (ati-n) as Papa Lako Ati Dan: the m4decinler beni. His corresponding animal, analogous to Loko, is the lizard (anoUs), which may be interpreted in the sense of the "sacred cycle." The "sacred cycle" is the astral crossroads which the two extremities of the vertical line of the veve reproduce in the form of a crossed circle. The anolis of the "sacred cycle" then indicates both the principal food offering of Legba as well as Christ of the crucifixion. For this reason the expansible elastic membrane under the throat of the lizard, which he uses to produce sound, symbolizes both the word and the sun.

In the sun-earth occultism, the harvest is symbolized by the yam or "manger-yam," fresh yams plus other products of the soil, as well as dried fish representing water which is blessed or "virginized" by the sun because the fish is the symbol of Christ when it is dried in a charcoal fire. Now, in the symbolism of the universal ritual harvest is the same as the first labors of the Earth. This solar-agricultural synthesis of the earth is sacrificially offered in communion or in transub- stantiation to the mysteres as the first sacrifice, and it is due to the importance of Christ that the manger-yam is the ceremony which opens the door to all the loas and to all the faithful, Legba being the "principal door" of the ancient rituals, that is to say, the magic portal of the voodoo ritual. Thus the houn'gan sacrifices the yam, in order to sacrifice the first of the best harvest of the land. exactly as the priest proceeds to the sacrifice of the mass or the body of Christ (the Voodoo yam). which is offered in transubstantiation, and as Golgotha is concerned with the sacrifice of the Messiah.

The yam, as first and principal fruit of the land, is therefore traditionally considered to be illuminated by the cardinal point which is the East or Orient of the Voodoo orientation; for this point of the ritual orientation is the "gateway of Legba."

The first fruits thus harvested and offered in communion as the Voodoo maza (mazda or Ahourah Mazda of the Persians) give birth to the loas which bathe in the fire at Christmas, in order to symbolize the first labors of the Earth: the mysteres Boum’ha Maza. who represent the Messianic voyage or boat (boumba) of Christ (Massah, Messiah, Missah, Maza) as "sacrifice" or "victim." Since Christ is the anointed, the houn'gan generously sprinkles with oil the piles of first fruits piled up before the Voodoo altars,

In the oum'phors that have preserved the tradition of the yams, the ground of the peristyle is completely covered with a bed of banana leaves on the day of the ceremony. The food offerings of the cQUcher- yam are served to the houn'sihs seated around this immense green covering. The yams are presented to them on white plates, and when they have been eaten by the hOlln'sihs, the rite proceeds to the "voyage to lEe." It commences with the follOWing chant.

Baeo-sou entre, Baco-sou rive Dede, O Savalou

Ogan, Dede egan Savalau.

Dede egan, ogan e e e e e e e e e

The bed of green leaves is thought to represent the surface of water which the magic bark of the leas crosses to reach the city of 1M. Consequently, the Voodoo initiates proceed to travel on it just as regular ships would. They salute the three points-south, centerpost, and west -with a mystic kiss upon the ground which is laid the ritual leaves. Then they lie down at the west. They roll themselves one after the other, but never two at the same time, from west to east. They are accompanied by the houn'gan, asson in hand. When they reach a candle lit on the east side. where for the most part they usually stop on their own accord, they lie there a moment stretched Qut upon the ground lying on one side. Then they return, rolling themselves again to a candle lit on the west side where the houn'gan helps them to their feet.

One matter is especially important: the houn'sihs are invariably possessed by mysteres during the crossing in such a way that it is always a mystere coming from He, the East, which helps him to his feet. It is therefore evident that the houn'sih, by rolling on the ground to simulate this magic crossing, imitates not only the rolling and whitening of the waves, but travels to the East (or lEe) to obtain a renewal of psychic powers.

Inasmuch as the water is ruled by the mystere Agoueh R Oyo, the ritual chant ending the ceremony is:

Bha rouie, Agoueh-tO . . .

Some of the initiates then roll up the leaves which they will bury in a secret way while the choir of houn'sih canzos continues to chant to the rhythmic beating of the drums:

Bha rouie, Agoueh-TO!

Bha rouie, Agoueh-TO!

The Banana Tree

According to the orthodox tradition of Voodoo, supported by the universal tradition, the banana tree is the tree of the first and greatest of the houn'gans (Adam), just as it is the tree of the first and most leaned of the mam'bos (Eve, whom voodooists call Erzulie). Now the Tree of Adam is identified in the traditional magic, with the fig tree of the scriptures.

Just so, the leaves of the banana tree conduct the houn'sihs, the houn'gans, and the mam'bos to lEe (the heavens, the Earthly Paradise), in the Voodoo rites, because the fig tree conceals the centerpost. The Voodoo initiates claim that fruit of knowledge, which the serpent Danbhalah offers to the mambOs, is a banana. They identify necessarily the banana. which enters very often into the composition of the ritual foods, with the substance of the sun seen above the Voodoo pis, and which is dominated by the traditional serpent of the oum'phors. For this reason the banana leaves lead to Ife in Afrique Guinin, for the sun which is pictured above the voodoo altars represents not only the mysterious city of 1M or (La Ville Aux Camps), but also the center of the initiation.

In the Holy Scriptures as in Voodoo, "evil bananas'" or "evil figues" (figues-bananes) Signify "evil initiates," "faithless initiates," an allusion to the cursed fig tree of the Bible, while the "good figues-barulMs" are the initiates who faithfully serve the loas, and who honor and respect the mysteres, so that in a larger sense, the "accursed fig tree" of the Bible or the "accursed banana tree" of Voodoo is the church or the oum'phor badly served: the oum'phor without center-post, the church without Christ!

By analogy this means that the reputation of the banana tree makes its fruit not only the most useful of vegetables, but renders a certain serpent called the bramine (because of the term brahmin, which signifies "priest" and "doctor of religion") exceptionally fond of touching both the shadow and the fruit of the banana tree. This serpent feeds upon bananas, to mention the tradition, in order to be able to live more than 100 years!

Furthermore, as the centerpost is the Voodoo sun, and inasmuch as the solar life renews itself by its daily rising and setting. the banana tree never ceases to renew itself by its shoots. Its perpetual outgrow- ings symbolize eternal life. The banana tree is, moverover, like the gods, hermaphroditic as to its flowers.

The rising and setting of the voodoo Sun (East and West in the magic orientation indispensable to every sort of supernatural operation) agrees with the beliefs held by learned mythologists relative to the mystere Brahma, who owes his name to a type of serpent which enjoys eating figues-bano.Ms. For, like the mystere of the serpents

Danbhalah Wede and Aida Wedo of Voodoo. the mystere Brahm! derives his mastery of magic from the cosmos through the concept of life and death. Papa Legba, as center-post, is accordingly Para-Brahma, or Papa-Brahma, the single line of the post, the "Sole Being” of all the religioUS doctrines having the form of the post, the divine cause of all the mysteries, the cosmic essence whence come and whither return all the loas and all the beings subordinated to them. The magic signature of this single line of the post (or of the banana tree) is a triangle with a circle in its center. The triangle represents Danbhalah- Legba-Erzulie (the holy trinity of Voodoo), revealing the magic trinity existing in the sun, the astral symbol of the banana tree, of the figuier-beni, and of the post. The circle in the center of the triangle is the Sun-Child (Child Jesus of Voodooism). and this is why the sun is pictured above the Voodoo pe as son and as 6rst manifestation of Para-Brahma: Brahmi, whose two other hypostases are Vich-nou and Shiva. This being the case, it is evident that Para-Brahma or ParaBrahmin, while recalling the bramine se^wnt of the banana tree, corresponds to the serpent Danbhalah Wedo, and BrahmA himself, to Legba Ati-Bon, who personifies the magic powers of the houn'gans and mam'bos.

102

104

105

Veveof Milo-Can (several spirits).

irv>

Veve traced around the ceremonial hole where the offerings must be burned.

Veve of Azaca, loa of Agriculture.

Veve ofOssangne Negre Goue-sih Malor. the father of Legba.

lOS

VeveofOssangne

Veve of Danbhalah-la-Aambeau (Danbhalah-the-torch ).

Veve of Agoueh, spirit of water.

jjn

Hiin.il diagram of the boulez-zains-les-morts, also ouan-zain: pots boiling for the dead.

Veve of Erzulie Dantor.

5

Sounds, Rhythms, Chants, and Prayers

T HE musical instruments, chants, dances, and prayers that are an integral part of Voodoo and of Voodoo ceremonies each bear symbolic interrelationships that must be clearly understood to comprehend Voodoo itself.

The Ogan

The ogan-an instrument resembling a 8attened bell without a clap- per-is struck in rhythm with an iron rod by a musician called the ogantier. In most Voodoo ceremonies its insistent rhythm is piercing and deafening, and the listener usually wishes it were silent, the better to catch the fascinating rhythm of the drums. Not infrequently it is the ogantier's metallic beating upon the egan that leads off the other instruments. However, there are exceptions to this practice, as sometimes the orchestra dispenses with the ogan.

In the Voodoo tradition the ogan is basically the chromatic director of the ritual orchestra. Its mystere is Ogan-.rih HwPDo. Its beat rhythmically controls the sacred Chromatic. Its virtue lies in the cor-

111

respondence which exists between its rhythmo-choregic function and the esoteric formula implied in the word a-gan. For this formula signifies "chief of the magic circle," or "ruler of the ceremonial material."

The Triangle

The triangle is an iron instrument, triangular in form. The triangle finds its counterpart shape in the triangular niche inset in the masonry of the sode of the poteau-mitan. Sometimes, however, the triangular niche is merely painted on the socle or abyss. This geometric correspondence, when referring to the magical organization of the ritual and of the ritual Chromatic, definitely signifies that the abysses are opened by the triangular form. with Danbhalah Wedo, Erzulie. and Legba at each of the three points of the triangle.

By the fact that the musical triangle opens the abysses, it opens also the ritual water symbolized by the socle set beneath the post. The socle, then, represents Erzulie on the "point" of the abyss, pro^ vided the socle is not "open" by having the Masonic triangular niche painted on or inset in its side. But if the socle of the pest does contain the triangle, either inset or painted, then Erzulie is said to "walk" upon the "point" of the "brilliant ascension of the Moon and of Venus."

The magic role of this chromatic instrument consists in "opening the path of the air." Thus, as an orchestral instrument which directs the ritual airs, it opens analogically (as mystere or loa of analogy— of the magic analogy of the ritual air) the path which must conduct all material employed in the ceremonies, as well as the practitioners themselves, into the astral heights of the atmospheric air. For this rea^ son the Universal Tradition calls the triangle the Lumin^^ Delta.

We may note that, insofar as the Voodoo cult is concerned, this triangular luminous delta, which is such an outstanding feature of the ritual orchestra, is reflected in the curious but most appropriate shape that the initiates have given the drumstick used with the drum that represents orchestrally the light and the magic powers of the sun, namely the voudoun Legba Ati-Bon. The fonn of the stick used to beat the second drum (the middle one of the three Rada drums) is that of a "D", the Roman form of the Greek delta.

Just as the Voodoo Legba-as the sun-represents the Orient, universal Masonry, which has its source in the masonry socle of the poteau-mitan, places its Esoteric Triangle or Luminous Delta above and behind the head of the throne of the Venerable of the Lodge.

Similarly to the placement of the triangle in the lodges, the Voodoo tradition bestows the title of principal maitre-tete upon the sun (Legba Ati-Bon), by reason of the fact that while all the other loas may be maitre tetes, Legba is above them, as the sun is above the powers of all the constellations.

In the oum'phar, the form of the musical triangle traditionally appears again above the pe, or altar. It is not surprising, then, that, although the equilateral triangle is altered, for hermetic reasons, from the normal form of the musical instrument, the Greek Geometric Tradition, as revealed by Plato and Pythagoras, holds that the best religious altars preferably have the form of the right triangle. Just so, the base of this right triangle (the hypotenuse) is the scientific base of the altar. The folloWing explanation is offered the uninitiated: "The reason for the importance of the right triangle is that 'the square on the hypotenuse is equal to the sum of the squares on the other two sides'."

It is easy to find this algebraic and geometric formula again and again in the architecture of the Voodoo peristyle. The equilateral triangle "Danbhalah-Legba-Erzulie" already exists in the masonry of the socle. Through geometric transcendence it becomes, by duplication of itself, a rectangle, the form concealed within the right triangle -the classic rectangle which is generally the form of the peristyle.

It also is worth noting that through Danbhalah, Legba, and Erzulie, the musical triangle suggests the divine Trinity: the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Doubtless for this reason Xenocrates used to compare divinity to an equilateral triangle. The Freemasons who are said to have had their origin in the Voodoo socle of Legba, have the oculate triangle in the masonry pediments of their lodges exactly as the Voodoo adepts did before them, and still do, in Haiti, upon the perfect circle of the socle of their poteau-soleil (sun-post). The eye in the center of the triangle stands for the elevation of Erzulie by Legba.

A curious circumstance, accidental or otherwise, may be noted in the fact that in Voodoo the apex of the musical and Masonic triangle is held by the mysbhe Danbhalah Wedo who, in the African cabal, is called Danbhalah-Y£we (or more exactly Ie—H-We), while in Freemasonry the Tetragrammaton, represented alphabetically by I. E.

V. E., occupies the ocular center of the triangle. Alexander Westphal. the author of works on Masonry, declares that the origin of the Tetragrammaton of the lodges is under dispute, and that no one really knows the correct pronunciation of the letters, despite all the variations adopted by devotees of solar cults (such as 1o, la, Ya, Yaveh, Ieho-schuah, Jeshuah, Jeho-vah, Joschoueh, Josue, Jesus, and Jesus- Christ). However, Voodooists have always known how to pronounce them, for the simple reason that they realize that the eye in the triangle symbolizes "Erzulie chromatically ravished by Lcgba and that one of the Ethiopian or solar names of Legba Atibon is ye.Ch^Ou.

The eye in the triangle is then a synthesis of ritual knowledge through the solar scheme of Voodoo. as a result of which initiates "see" the light proceed from the sun (Legba) under the form of Erzulie or one of her manifestations. At the same time, it is a synthesis of Danbhalah-Yewe in the astral-causal. In Voodoo, the astral- causal is the dark abyss of the socle of Legba converted into a "basin filled with water," since the abysses are the "depths of the water." In this aspect Erzulie is called "Mistress of the Water."

The Drums

The batteries of drums, whose magic rhythm is set by the chromatic ogan and the triangle, form the major attraction of Voodoo in the eyes of tourists who attend the ceremonies as spectators. Nothing inspires more wonder than the drums because of their splendid conical shapes and the fascinating gestures of the hountOrguiers, or drummers.

The patronymic mystcre of the initiates who beat the drnms is Papa-Houn'thur, whose name is Ima-Da-Govj. They are under occult submission to the mysterc Mam’bo Delai Medeh, referred to in the following song: "Eyia. hounto-a he! Delai annmande . . . (Eyia, the drummer, hey! Delai, give your command . . . )."

Through the preceding explanations about the ogan and the triangle you have learned that the musical instruments form a theological whole. In the oum'phor, the ogan. the triangle, and the drums represent the equivalent of all the astral atmospheres from the pyrosphere (or central fire of the earth) to the nucleosphere, the chromosphere. and the photosphere. These arc the three atmospheric zones of Lcgba -the sun. More particularly (and by reason of chemical magic connected with the sacrificial ritual), the ogan, the drums, and the triangle are related to the solar chromosphere, while the sacred dances around the post which are inspired by the music are associated with the atmosphere of the solar nucleus.

A full consideration of the scientific constitution of the drums and their esoteric interpretation in Voodoo would be too advanced for the present work. However, we may describe the physical composition of several traditional orchestras of African origin that lend an African coloring to the religious history of Haitian Voodoo. The three classical batteries of drums are the Rada, the Pethro, and the Congo.

The Rada battery is composed of three drums that chromatically recombine the three atmospheres of the sun (that is, of the mystere Legba-for Legba is the quickening power behind Voodooism). Listed according to size and solar designation they are;

(1) The Manman, related to the Chromosphere.

(2) The Second, related to the Photosphere.

(3) The Bou-Lah, related to the solar nucleus.

Because of their solar relationships and their resemblance in temperament to the Rada mysheres, the Rada drums fonn the most brilliant battery of drums employed in Voodoo.

The word Rada, when analyzed and traced back to its geographical and mystical origins, reveals more clearly the significance of the drums of the same name. "Rada" is a simpler form of "Arada," the equivalent of "Allada," and its true sense is "Allah^Da," from which Voodoo very scientifically but very simply derives its serpent Da(n). This is, moreover, the serpent of Judaism, according to the Bible, for the Voodooist has only to reread carefully the testament of Jacoh to find it, both under the fonn of the mystical serpent which is Dan-Bha- Lah, and under the other mystical form of "magic powers"-the Lion which personifies Legba. To the Voodooist the Koran itself proves the existence of the serpent not only by the word Allah (Allah-Da), but by the serpent Legba, which is a perfect translation of Al-Lah- Dah, by reason of the meaning of the drum Bou-Lah.

Consider now the two drums of the Pethro rite. They are related especially to the awful atmosphere of the solar nucleus. They are the so-called demonic, even cannibalistic drums, not through their own nature alone, but simply because their temperament, being of high temperature, renders them very difficult to control in magical operations. Consequently they are dangerous.

The larger of the two drums is identified with the thunderbolt. Its mystere is the Haitian voudoun Quebiesou Dan Leh (the Dahomean Hevio-Zo, who is the Zeus of the Greeks). This dreadful mystere, otherwise as beneficent as he is dreadful, provided he is "served" correctly, is the guardian of the drums of the cum'phot. the divine and thundering guardian of the pe or the altar stone. He is the "chief of the thunder," or the mystere Aga Tonnerre, called Aga-Ou Tonnerre because of one of his numerous metamorphoses. The larger of the two Pethro drums "walks" astrologically upon the "loints-chauds’' (hot-points) of the planet Jupiter, which corresponds to the loa Quebiesou Dan Leh.

The second. or smaller, Pethro drum is necessarily the complementary opposite of the first, representing, accordingly, the region of the cosmos that hears or receives the "bolt" of thunder. This region of the cosmos is Guinea, which for Voodoo traditionalists signifies "thr, extremity of the world."

The first drum is identified sidereally with the Southern portion of the sky, the second with the Northern portion which, in Voodoo terms, is "ruled" by the mystere Sakbha Lah Tha Vollo Lih Vo. In Haiti this mystere is known under the greatly altered form of Guede Sa 8ha Lah, a loa of the cemetery who reveals those diseases and impurities which are properly treated in the oum'phor by the Jupiter of Voodoo.

In the Congo rite there may be two drums or the battery of drums also may contain three other drums which, except for very slight differences, are the snme as the Rada drums, and their names are practically the same. These three are called:

(1) The largest-the Manman.

(2) The middle-sized-the Grondez.

(3) The smallest-the Ka-Tha-Bou.

The grondez is used for the second of the Rada drums, and its name links it with the "tonnerre" (thunder) of the Pethro battery, while the Katabou is used for the Rada Bou-Lah.

In addition to the previously discussed Voodoo drums, the largest drum of all is the Assato. The magic power of this drum is limitless; wherefore, in accordance with this unlimited power, it is not played upon by merely one or even two drumsticks but "by more than a thousand," according to the claims of its devotees. Furthermore, the formidable character of its power requires that during the ritual it be beaten only by adepts who are possessed by the loas; "Let there he as many drumsticks as there are 'saints;' let there be as many 'saints' as there are drumsticks beating ceremonially!"

The full significance of the Voodoo drums can only be understood by considering their origin. As a geometric consequence of the idea of "Earth-sex," the drum membrane or drumhead is believed to have been the skin forming the external ear of the serpent Danbhalah, wherefore snakes no longer have visible ears. By beating the voodoo drum, the drummer makes himself heard by Danbhalah via a direct, analogical pathway-the drumhead, which is the ear of the greatest of all the myteres; Dan eM To. Drums differ in fonn according to rite, because the geometric system upon which their construction is based represents not only a rite but also the dialect spoken by the "nation" of 10as of that rite, as well as by the devotees of that "nation" of Ioas.

For this reason the Rada drums are the "tribal geometry" of the voodoo Wngage spoken by the Aradas. The form of these drums, like that of the others, is determined by the common language, and has been supernaturally revealed to the earliest initiates in exactly the same way and through the same tradition as the form of the tabernacle was revealed to Moses.

All of these traditional, fundamental ideas strongly prove the existence of an insoluble bond between the snake interred in the primordial earth in the form of a cone-shaped drum and the Voodoo pe whose form is that of a slightly raised tomb or burial vault. The snake has its abode within the stonework of the pi because it was interred in the earth (in He or in Ville Aux Camps) with the alliance-stones which are rediscovered in the form of golden finger-rings belonging to Maitressc Erzulie Freda Dahomey Toean Miroize Zagaza. The gold of these rings represents the sun. They are found on antique drums as large hoops of red copper because of the fact that, in magic terms, copper is the true metal of Erzulie (Venus) and also hecause the copper hoops give the drums better resonance.

The drums themselves must from time to time "make a trip to [fe" in order to renew their supply of magic force. In this case they arc said to be "put to bed," or "fed." These ceremonies are the coucher- tambours ("putting the drums to bed") and the bailie-tambours- manger ("feeding the drums"). To "put the drums to bed" is the same thing as sending initiates of the various degrees to He in order to have their degrees conferred upon them.

In the ceremony the sacred drums are taken from the great crossed circle which will be their oum'phor-the Dum'phar in which they are beaten-in order to recline them upon the bed of banana leaves supposed to represent Guinin. There a candle is lit on each of them. Not only the drums, but also all the other cult instruments, such as the agans, have to make this voyage. During the time they are on their bed they are given something to eat. Ritual food and liqueurs are sprinkled over them and upon the designs that represent them to give them strength.

While the drums are lying down a distribution is made to the chickens about to be sacrificed of the sacrificial food offerings placed both upon the veves and upon the drums themselves. Then these chickens are passed and repassed over the houn'gan and the kneeling houn'^ sihs for a communication of powers. Then the birds are sacrificed to the instruments. Once killed they are placed upon the vtwes whence they will later be taken to he prepared. The mam'bo gives a drink of alcohol to the reclining drums by sprinkling the liquor over them. She casts the water in the four holes surrounding the post, also some coffee, the food-offerings of the sacrifice, as well as the liqueurs. The houn'sihs come to worship at these holes, kissing the ground hefore them, placing coins in them, at the same time pronouncing certain prayers while kneeling. The candles are extinguished and placed in the holes, which are then filled. The drums are covered with white sheets symbolizing the purifying atmosphere of the city of lEe in Guinin.

Then the machete is stuck in the ground before the drums, and the ritual flags are placed over the white sheets which cover them as though they were dead.

The drums are of necessity "put to bed" to the singing of the b6- houn, or funeral chants, and the audience all at one becomes very sad because the "putting to bed" of the drums is not only a departure but a new death: the gods of the wood are supposed to effect the crossing of the water, just like the sheep of Agotieh that is white like the white sheet which cover the drums, to go to Africa and return from there with powers renewed.

With reference to He, the place where they go as source of the Voodoo tradition, with reference to the mystere of the nnims called Hountor, and with reference to the funerary meaning of the ceremony. the following are the chants that accompany the crossing:

° Houn'tO mrinl COte ou pr'allez?

Ago! Nannan Wedo . . Houn'tO mrin, papa mrin, COte ou pr'allez?

E, ago el

Ago! Nannan Wedo . . Houn'tO! Rbelez Houn'tO e, Papa Sobo Qui! HountO-a . . .

Ladogouessan.

Sobagui Sobo, nous la; LO n'a mauri, N'a quitte repos pon yo.

Eya, BO-Gan,

G6-Gan II. (If.) [ Houn'gan, agol Le-Guede, BO N'gan, Voyiez rMler Bogan. 0, Man-Yanvalou Micho!

Oh, my Houn'torl Where are you gOing? Ago! Nannan Wedo . -My Houn'tor, my father, Where are you going? E, ago el Ago! Nannan Wedo . . Houn'torl Call the Houn'tor, Papa Sobo

Yes! The Houn'tor Ladogouessan.

Sobagui Sobo, we are here; It is only when we shall die, that we shall give them rest.

Eya, Houn'gan, maker of talis- men,

BO-Gan 1M!

Houn'gan, ago!

Le-Guede, BO Gan-Gan, Have Bogan called.

0, Man-Yanvolou Michal

The voyage of the white sheep of Agoueh R Oyo, the drums, the initiates, and the houn'gans to Ife is a resurrection of the flesh offered ill sacrifice in all species. In the Voodoo tradition this voyage renews I he magic powers properly so-called as much as the administrative and governmental powers of the society. The tradition teaches that it pertains to the Voodoo society and to society in general, a fact which shows why the two are closely associated in the peristyle, for the aim "r this mysterious voyage among the loas is to see again the ancestors who are withdrawn into the stars of the veves by death. These are the mcestors who retain the powers as well as give them back.

The drums synthetize the principle of the resurrection by the wood aiid by the skin, shown in Egyptian symbolism by the burial of Osiris wrapped in a skin and inside the trunk of a tree. For this reason, in "nlinary teaching, the creation is represented by three skins fastened together above and held up by a solar disk. This sort of trident-fonD, tied above and held by the sun symbolizes the androgenous or par- thenogenic function of water pictured by the trident or the three skins and by the fire which is pictured as the sun.

From this it follows, through the syncretism of the cabalas, that the t^ke-nou or the "resurrection by the skin" of the Egyptian rites is equal tG the three drums of the Rada orchestra which symbolize the three planes of the Universal Soul or the three divine Hypostases. The following are the parallels:

Voodoo  Egyptian-Je^wish

FIRST drum (1st skin) = NECHA\1AH (Soul.Spirit) MANMAN drum (2nd skin) = NEPHESCH (SoubLiver) BOULAH drum (3rd skin) = ROUACH (Soul-Heart)

The Egyptian tikenou reclines, moreover, in or upon the skin, to renew itself spiritually. just as the drummer. the houn'gan, the mambO. or the houn'sihs of Voodoo lie down and roll themselves upon the drum in order to renew their forces. For this reason the arm of the Voodoo drummer represents the Alpha and Omega of the Universal cabala, while his hand is the Roman D, the Jewish daleth. and the Greek delta, all of which relates the musical porfonnance of the drums to the following occult identifications:

A —O = Divine Act

D = Human Act

Now, as the Rada formula signifies sun (Ri) serpent (Oa), it is the life-giving principle of the sun which "recharges" by means of the drumskin the initiates who roll themselves against the cylindrical wood,

The Voodoo Chorus

The voodoo chorus is composed of houn'sihs, both male and female, and directed by the houn'guenicon, who usually is a woman. The houn'guenicon is, after the houn'gan, the most conspicuous person in the peristyle. She leads the chorus, "sending" the chants and performing the dance movements, moving back and forth in front of the houn'sibs, and waving her arms and hands about in such a way that they resemble branches of a tree stirred by the wind. She conducts the ceremonies along with the houn'gan, and her function is basically concerned with the magic of sound by which the loas are "called" and made to "descend" and be present or to participate in the ritual services. Her function is all the more important, in the peristyle and elsewhere, in that she is the one who "sends" the ritual chants necessary for making contact with the loas in the astral. All chromatic magic rests upon her knowledge. She is the sonic soul of the peristyle. Moreover, in view of her knowledge, relative chieRy to liturgical chant, her title is explained in accordance with traditional etymology as follows:

houn = "drum" (or any instrument of sacred music)

-gue-, or -je- = "supposed to be"

-nukon-, or -nikon- = “the first" ooudoun-sih = "houn'sihs," or “women"

The houn'sihs who form the chorus are classically robed in white, preferably in white linen. This rule is not observed, however, if the service is celebrated exclusively for the Pethro loas. In this case the houn'sihs may be dressed completely in red. They have even been known to wear purple in a Voodoo service in honor of Ogou Bhalin'dio. But for services of no special importance, houn'sihs usually wear their everyday clothes.

The chorus sings the ritual chants which, like the other geometric and chromatic elements of Voodoo, arc related to occult forces of the air, the atmosphere, and the astral. The chants which the houn'sihs, under the leadership of the houn'guenicon, "send," magnetically attract the mysteres lurking in the area around the Voodoo ceremony. The ritual chants composed for this purpose go out into the atmosphere io search out the loas and magnetize them. Having found them, they magnetize them as forces of the invisible, obliging them to come and incarnate themselves "in the heads" of their "horses." This is the primary ritual function of the chorus of houn'sih can-zos. Its next most important function is to assist the battery of drums in getting the incarnated loas as well as the houn'sihs not in a state of possession to dance.

In the occultism of Voodoo, the ritual chorus of the houn'sih can-zos represents one of the most important factors. In the metabolism of the magic of sacrifice, the airs sung by the houn'sihs are what aid the blwd of the animal victims and the essence of the food or other oHer- iiigs in rising via the mysteres to their astral destination. The chonis plays this most important role since, by reason of a series of philosophical and chemical analogies it is identified cabalistically with the "heart of the mystere Enulic." Now since Erzulie is the wife of Legba, the houn'sihs of the chorus arc, all of them, necessarily wives of Legba, that is to say, wives of the astro-biological system of the cult. Consequently, the person who leads the chorus-the houn'guenicon-is the principal wife of Lcgba, as Legba in this connection is always considered the cosmic axis of the ritual.

Both Erzulie and Lcgba likewise have as their ritual attributes the heart and the blood. which they control biologically. Most often it is from among the singers that the mysteres, magnetized in the atmosphere by the songs, choose their "mounts," Often a houn'sih is seen to stagger, to whirl upon herself violently, throwing her arms out in all directions in the classic gestures always made in an attempt to ward off the mystere, and then to fall backwards upon the legs of the seated spectators. Once the loa is finally in complete possession of her, she quickly rises, and with a rush, dashes into the middle of the peristyle, her personality completely transformed. She then proceeds with the customary activities of the mystere concerned.

Sometimes the loa who has thus mounted a houn'sih continues to participate in the chorus, even though the possession has entirely obliterated the consciousness of the ''horse.'' After the houn'sih has been "dismounted," she simply resumes her place among the singers. It is extremely rare, incidentally, ever to see a houn'guenicon overcome by the loa-crisis.

Chants

Inconnection with our account of the chorus, the drums, the ogan, the triangle, and the mode of chromatic communication with the mysteres of the invisible who dwell in the atmosphere, the ritual chants -a clear expression of the sacred music-have Significance and usefulness.

The repertory of Voodoo chants is so vast that it is impossihle to say how many there are-thousands, at least. They show variations, within the same musical mode, from one region to another. For example, a chant sung in one way at Port-au-Prince is sung in another at Port-de- Paix. The chant is obviously the same and has e-orne from the same traditional, magical source, but with variations.

Every rite has its particular rhythm to which its chants are sung, although from one rite to another the difference in rhythm is not so great as to prevent one from realizing that, in any case, he is hearing Voodoo chants. Such is the difference, for example, between the Pethro and the Congo chants.

Accordingly, it is unnecessary to mention that the same phenomenon is observed in the music. The variations in the music correspond to the differences in the repertory of chants. Wherefore, however little a person is acquainted with Voodoo, as soon as he hears the music, he can tell whether it is from a Pethro or a Congo ceremony, a Pethro or a Congo dance, or a Rada or an Ibo service, as easily as he can distinguish the Congo from the Rada simply on the basis of the drum beats.

It happens in the course of a given ceremony that chants of different rites succeed and overlap one another because the mysteres that appear arc themselves different, or because more than one category of loas is being served.

It is useful to observe the double economy of every Voodoo chant. \'ot only may they belong to different rites-the lbo, Congo, Rada, Pethro, Caplaou, Mahi, and others-but the sense of their words indicates the ritual and magical significance of their use in a particular (’cremony. This means that if, for example, a certain chant asks Legba to "open the way" (speaking in magical tenns), Legba is peremptorily charged with opening the way and not doing otherwise. If another chant alludes to Erzulie embarking upon the ocean, it refers either to her actual embarkation or to some very close allusion relating to the result sought by the cabalistic acts of the ceremony. Hence, the magical indications are made in accordance with the words sung.

Here are a few examples of Voodoo chants which mention some of the different rites;

Congo

Caroline saisie; ce loa moin. I )anbhalah Wedo, iii’a p' ba ou Bon Die. \1’ ce Creole Congo, i' pas sotto oh!

[);tnbhalah Wedo,

Caroline is astonished; she's my loa. Danbhalah Wedo, I will give you God.

I'm a Creole from the Congo, I'm no fooll

Danbhalah Wedo,

Anmine

Garde moin la. Tate!

O! Garde main &

Tate coffrel

Bo Onanminan, Ouanminan, {’on c;a n'a p' blani yeo Ouanminan, hel Garde main chire.

\fy talisman is there. Test it! O! My talisman is there. Test it, lock it up!

Bo Ouanminan, Ouanminan, that's how we are serving. Ouanminan, hey!

My talisman is torn.

Jbo-Morndonigue

Eh! Roi Zan. Ehl

Hoi Zan-Zan, Nanchon lbo! lie, roi nanchon lbo!

\'ive, nanchon lbol

COte Grande lbo? He! Roi!

lie! Roi lbo mange chien.

Ehl King Zan. Eh!

King Zan-Zan, Iho gods!

Hey, King of the lbo gods!

Hail, lho gods!

Where's Grande lbo? Hey! King!

Hey! King lbo eats dog,

•\hi, manman, henl Tambour moin reJe.

IOll-m' allonge . . . Ahil •\hH Manman.

Fe/hro

Ahi, mother. henl

My drum calls.

The day I die . . . Ahi!

Ahi! Mother.

Salengro

I'rou Sa, Trou Sa, Ih"le trou Salengro. :\'a rele trou Salengro. Troii Sa, Trou Sa, li^le trou Salengrol

That hole, That hole. is called the Salengro hole. We'll call the hole Salengro. That hole, That hole. called the Salengro hole!

Kiha -Zandur

Zan-dot! Li aile, Zan-dor! Qui J'hcu li yC? Zan-dor! Li aile, Zan-dorl

Zandor! He's gone, Zandor! What time is it? Zandor!

He's gone, Zandor!

Anmine-Makandu

Ouanminanl ea ;a ye, Ouanminan? Tate-coffre, ea iJ3 yeP A-Lah-Da derive. ea Ii ye, Ouanminan, Garde O?

Ouanminan! What's that, Ouanminan? Test it, lock it up, What's that? A-Lah-Da is adrift. What is it, Ouanminan, O Guard?

Because the chants mean exactly what their words clearly suggest, the chorus "sends" them, addresses them to the loas personally. As we shall see, these ritual chants which request the loas to do one thing or another arc adapted to the rites in which the loas "work." For example:

Yanyalou

(chant for the mystere Manman Brigitte)

Manman Brigitte! Manman main! O! au oue ?a?

A l'entour caille-la, gangnin di re la-dans ni. Nous chache bois pou nous semble di fe; nous chache d'J'eau pou nous touye di fe.

La plus par tombe.

Qu pas oue?

Terre-Ia glisse.

Mother Brigitte! My mother! Ohl Do you see that?

Around the house, there's a fire in it. We gather wood to build a fire; we gather water to extinguish the fire. The rain does not fall. Don't you see?

The ground is slippery.

Yanvalou -Fla Vodoun

(chant for the mystcre Jiipiter-Quebicsoii)

Bagui-a lovi, man roil Ce ?a. m'a oue yo. Ahi! Maiimouleh-vi. Ce ?a, Mahi Goiieto. Po diable! Posso nou-deh. lIE:! An-hel

The bagni's members, my king! That's it-l shall sec them.

Abi! Manmouleh-vi.

That's it. Mahi Goutilto.

Poor devill Posso nou-deh.

Hey! An-hey!

Mahi

(chant for the mystere Mademoiselle Annai'se)

Anna'isc! En N’ago, pitite-la ape crie. Ye, yel Ba-Ii tete. Ye, ye! Ape erie, ye, ye! Ila-1i tete,Ba-li tete, ye, ye! Cade: m'lan boaton. Ye, ye! Ba-Ii tete, ye, ye!

Annaise! En Nago, the baby is crying.

Yey, yey! Give him a teat. Yey, yey!

lie's crying, yey, yey!

Give him a teat, yey. yey!

Look: I'm benrenek. Yey, yey!

Give him a teat, yey, yey!

Martinique

(chant for the mystere Nan Kiou)

Cousin Nan-Kiou, ec pa ;a ou til dit main. Ou te dit moin con c;a: I on oua pla-;e ave m' • ma marie ave m'.

N<in point robe, nan point {•hcmise.

Grand merci gnoii pied mango ’lui te gaign en ba-a ’|ui pare I'honneur moin.

Cousin Nan-Kiou, that's not what you told me. You told me:

"the day you become my mistress you would marry me."

I haven't a dress, not even a shirt.

There's only a mango tree that I had there

to bolster my reputation.

Crabjgne Nago

(chant for the mystere Ggou Shalodeh)

Liki. tiki 61 Liki, Jjkj 61 agoii Shalodeh.

Papa agou Jacouman, Papa Ogoll Shalodeh.

Liki, tiki 01 Liki, liki 61 agou Shalodeh.

Liki. liki Oh! Liki, liki Ohl agou Shalodeh.

Papa agoii Jacouman.

Papa Ogeii Shalodeh.

Liki. liki Oh! Liki, tiki Ohl Ogou Shalodeh.

Congo

(chant for the mystere Legba)

Legba in my oum'phorl Legba in my oum'phor!

You who wear a hat.

It is to protect me from the sun.

Legba Ian oum'phor moin! Legba Ian oum'phor moin! Ou minme qui pate chapeau. Ce pou pare soleH pou moin. _ Legba Congo nan oum'phor moin, Legba Congo in my cum'phor, Mondongue-Moussai Ian Mondongue-Moussai in

oum'phor moin. my cum'phor.

To show more clearly by a convincing synthesis the astral relationships existing among the rites, the mysteres, and the chants "sent" to the chorus of houn'sih canzos by either the houn'guenicon or the houn'gan during the course of a service-loa, the following examples are given of a few of the chants classified according to the rites in which they are perfonned:

Yanyalou

(chant for Legba, loa of gates and roads)

Legba-Grand-Chemin, nous Legba-Highway, we are going. pr'alle.

Ago, Ago yeo _t

Legba-Grand-Chemin, nous pr'alle oue si n'a passe;

Legba-Grand-Chemin, nous pr'alIe oue, Papa, si n'a passe.

Si n'a passe grand-chemin, man roil

Ago! Grand-Chemin, nous pr'alle nue, Papa, si n'a passe.

O Agol Ago yel

Ago, Ago yey.

Legba-Highway, we are going to see if we shall pass;

Legba-Highway, we are going to see, Papa, if we shall pass. If we shall pass the highway, my king!

Ago! Highway, we are going to see, Papa, if we shall pass. Oh Agol Ago yey.

Yanyalou

(chant for Danbhalah and A'l-Da Wedo)

Danbhalah Wedo, gade pitites ou yo, he! Aida Wedo, min pitites au yo, hel

Danbhalah Wedo, gade pitites ou yo, ohl

A ye, a ye, oh!

Danbhalah, min z'enfants ou la.

Danbhalah Wedo, behold your children, hey! Alda Wedo, here are your children, hey!

Danbhalah Wedo, behold your children, ohl A yey, a yey, ohl

Danbhalah, here are your children.

Nago

(chant for Aloumandia, one of the maitre-tete mysteres of Dessalines; Aloumandia is here associated with the mysteres Ossangne Baccule and Ogou Badagn)

Alou Madia he! Ossangne oh!

Ogou ohl

(hsangne Bacoule qui mande drapeaux.

Alou Madia hel Ossangne ohl

Alou Madia heyl Ossangne ohl

Ogou ohl

Ossangne Bacoule who asks for ^flags.

Alou Madia hey! Ossangne ohl

Ogau ohl

Ogau Badagri qui mande drapeaux,

NollS tout barre.

Ogau ohl

Ogau Badagri who asks for flags,

We are all bared.

Mahi

(chant for Erzulie Freda)

Ce chance ohi O, ce chance ohl Ce pas wanga ou gangnin;

ce chance ohl

Grande Erzulie Freda, ce chance ou gangnin. Ce pas wanga ou gangnin;

ce chance, O Maitresse.

It's luck, ohi O, it's luck, ohl

It's not a magic chann that you have;

it's luck, oh!

Grande Erzulie Freda, it's luck that you have. it's not a magic charm that you have;

it's luck, O Mistress.

Congo - Crahgne

(chant for Moussondi, or for a Moussongui loa)

He ya hel He ya Moussondil Loa cila-a, ce loa Moussondi. He ya hel He ya Moussondil

Hey yah hey! Hey yah Moussondi! That loa-that's the Moussondi loa. Hey yah hey! Hey yah Moussondil

Kitha

(degree-chant composed by the mystere Bose)

L'ennemi barre main caiIle Santo.

M' passe deja.

Zombi barre main

The enemy stops me at Santo's house.

I already passed.

A zombi bars me

caille Santo

Caille Santo, m'passe dejai

at Santo's house.

At Santo's house I already passed!

Banda

(chant for Gu£Me Nibbho, Lord of the Cemeteries)

lie! Gros saint, gros loa, Guede Nibbho egare! lie! Gras saint, gros loa, Papa Guede egare.

Hey! Great saint, great loa, Guede Nibbho is lostl Hey! Great saint, great loa, Papa Guede is lost.

Pe/hro (Banda---Crabigne)

(chant for the loa Jean Zombi)

Jean Zombi! Oui-oua, bal Conduis-m' aile.

Ya p'boue tafia pou yo fait tintin

devant loa main.

Jean Zombil Qui-oua, bal Conduis-m' aile.

Jean Zombi! Oui-oua, bahl

Take me away.

They will drink tafia to make them grimace before my loa.

Jean Zombi! Oui-oua, bah!

Take me away.

Ibo

(chant for the mysterc Ayanman)

Ayanman! Ibo Lete, Lete, Letel Ayanman! Ibo Letel Ayanman lia, can 9a;

A yanman danse can 9a.

Oil pile pied-m', no pas di-m' "padon." Ayanman 9a, can lia; Ayanman 9a, can 9a; va "padon" fa fait pou main?

Ayanman! Ibo Lele, Ute, LeIeI Ayanman! Ibo LeIel

Ayanman, that's the way, like that;

Ayanman dances like that.

You step on my foot, you don't say "pardon." Ayanman, that way, like that; Ayanman, that way, like that; What would a "pardon" do for me?

Glplaou

(chant for the mystere Zo Clime)

Zo! Comment 9a ye? Zo! How's that?

Zo Benga. Papal Comment t;:a ye? Ze Benga, Papa! How's that?

Zo eliman, Papa. comment 9a ye? Zo eliman, Papa, how's that? Si houD’sih tombe, If the houo'sih falls,

pas quitte-l' gate don't let her spoil (things)

avant yo fouilJe troll. before they dig a hole.

Although this classification shows the rites to which certain mysteres belong, it does not imply that they belong exclusively to any one rite. Hence, if an initiate wishes to "serve" a Rada Legba in the Pethro rite, it is perfectly possible to do so. But according to some initiates it is only the loa-Guinin (the purest African leas) who refuse to be served on any "point" (that is, in any rite) except their own. Plausible as this assertion may seem, however, the proof to the contrary lies in the fact that most of the loas are found in most of the rites. The pu^wse which requires the serving of loas first on one "point" and then on another depends upon the form of magic in question, that is, whether the mysteres are being invoked with good or evil intent.

When Voodoo reached Hispaniola with the first slaves purchased on the Atlantic coasts of Africa, its ritual chants were in the pure African langage, a synthesis of all the African dialects which form the "Great Magic Language" of the tradition. Nevertheless, each rite, or each "nation" of loas has preserved its own langage: Nago, Congo, Pethro, Anmine, and the others. Thus in the vast repertory of Voodoo chants are found those which belong to many different African dialects.

The relations of the slaves with the English, Spanish, and French colonists resulted in the creation of a mixed language which was to become the Creole spoken in Haiti today, an extremely rich and supple language composed of all that the African had been able to retain not only of the hundreds of African dialects, but of French, English, and Spanish. Thus the greatest part of the chants of the ritual repertory of Voodoo have evolved from the pure African language to Creole. Occasionally Creole, French, and African are mingled to make a single chant. Other times the chant is one hundred percent Creole. Furthermore, certain chants have remained absolutely African. These are said to be in langage. These for the most part have been retained in a mnemonic tradition, but very few houn'gans or houn'sihs are able any longer to translate them. They somehow "feel" atavistically what they mean. The disturbing result of this transformation, in which the chants in langage are unfortunately disappearing more and more, is that the purity of the Voodoo cabal as well as the very power of the loas is being lost at the same time and in the same proportion. It is also to be regretted that the chants in mixed language or purely Creole lack the liturgical poetry of the chants in langage, which gives an air so mysterious and at the same time so effective in the ceremonies. Here are some examples:

A V^oodo Chant in Pure Haitian Creole

(Ancient Yanvalou Ritual)

N’a rem£ci6, n’a rem£ci6 yo . . .

Apre Bon Die, n'a remeeie yo. Apre Bon Die, nous la, n'a remeeie yo;

N'a remeeii Die douvant houn'gan

N'a remeei d'l'eau dOmi houn'gan . .

N'a remeei, n'a remecie yo. N'a remeeie houn'guenicon, N'a remee houn'sih canzo . . .

(Voodoo Chant: Mixed Creole,

Benga, manman main . . .0, Zoclimol _

011 pale, yo pas coute. Oua yo! Benga, manman, si au aile, oh pas tounin Ian pays-a.

I'oussez aller, Zo aiii . I'oussez aller, kim'hoi salay, I'oussez aller, mi saloy

We will thank, we will thank them . .

After God we will thank them.

After God, we are there; we will thank them;

We will thank God before the houn'gan . .

We will thank the water ? houn'gan .

We will thank, we will thank them. We will thank the houn'guenicon, We will thank the houn'sih canzo ..

French, and langage) (Caplaou)

Benga, my mother ... O, Zoclimo!

You speak, they don't listen. Oua yo! Ben'ga, mother. If you go, you do not return to the country. Hurry and go, Zo oui . .

Hurry and go, kim'boi salay, Hurry and go, mi salay.

(Voodoo Chant in Pure Wngage) (Yanvalou)

Minoke ago Legba. Ago Legba, ago Legbal

Go Lcgba, Co Legba.

Minoke ago Legba .

(Another Voodoo Chant in Pure Wngage) (Yanvalou)

Zouzqu zouzou zi za, i mankou tuile.

Blec, bIeo . .

Marasah-Guinin, a i mankou tuiJej

Biec, bIeo . . .

I mankou tuile, Marssah-Guinin;

Blec, bIeo . . .

in the Voodoo practiced in Haiti mystere who interrupts the chants double signification of "Alleluia!"

-Olih kolo mon deh, Ababa!

-A wa naP

-N'wa e, Ababa _. . Ababa fo laga jigi legan.

-Ikon kati, ko ka mi . . I hou mi kpon, e rna gnon O lou iebe, He, To e me rnedeh rna non yi re Lobi Olo-run.

Translation into Crcole:

-C'e moin qui pote bacueiJ, Aboba!

-Ah! C'e ou rninme?

We choose now a certain Voodoo text relative to the Naga loas of Yoruba, translating it into French to show the phonetic divergence which results from the translation from one language to another. The translation into Creole follows the French translation to clarify this divergence and to show how the African voudouns can be distorted. This is a Yoruba chant for the mystere A Gbo GOo, recognized today in the expression "Ababa.¹" It is a and who exalts the Invisibles in its

Je suis le portenr dc ccrcueil, Ababa!

Ah! Ah; C'est toi?

C'est bien moi, Abobo . . .

Je couple I'air (le chant) avec authorite.

Carde-moi de la mort insatiable _ , Me tiler serait un crime, Car le Grand Roi d—lfc, Le pays ou ne vont pas les vivants, A cree la Lumiere.

Translation into English:

I am the bearer of the coffin, Abobo!

Ah! Is it you?

-Oui, c'e moin, Abobo!

Mrgain poiivoi pou m' rete chantes.

-Empechez lan-mO prend-m', Pace que si ou tuez-m' c'c gnou crime,

I'isque c'e Grand Roi d'Ife,

Cote mOtels pas janme aile, Qui ban nous limie.

Yes, it is I, Abobo!

I have the power to "cut" the chant. Take (me), keep me from death, For if you kill me, it's

a crime,

Since it is the Great King of Ife, Where mortals never go,

Who gives us the light (i.e., of life).

The symbol of the solar ravishment is the sword or machete of the Voodoo ritual. The following is a ritual chant to bring about the arrest hy the police of anyone who steals this symbol:

Kadia Bossou, Yahiwe (ie^H-We), Yahwe, Yahwe, Ya Bessoll, A Die, Yahwe mrin, Bossou mrin! A Die; couline 9a-a, ce pou

Yahwe . . -

Ce pou Yahwe—Aida Yahwe, Yahwe!

Ce la police, O ya lague la police 'Ian cO^ou.

C’e poll Yahwe Camblanmin.

Kadia Bossou, Yawe, Yahwe, Yahwe, Ya Bessoll, Ah Cod, my Yahwe, my Bessou! Ah God; that machette, it's for

Yahwe . . -

It's for Yahwe.Aida

Yahwe, Yahwe!

It's the police, Oh, they will call the police against you.

It's for Yahwe Camblanmin.

Voodoo Dances

In the preceding section the explanation of the performance of ritual (’hants in accordance with particular rites is sufficient to show that the rites, by the evidence of their names alone, are related to the musical repertory. The relationships between the liturgy and the choreography established in Voodoo by this fact clearly indicate the cabalistic func- lion of the dances and reveal their relation to the legislative and !:ovemmental system of the astral upon which the cult of the loas is I iased.

All the chant rhythms based upon corresponding musical themes 1 hat mention both the ritual behavior and the nations, tribes, or race9 or the loas have been preserved in Haitian Voodoo exactly as the slaves brought them to Haiti in the old days from the Ivory Coast, the

Cold Coast, the Crain Coast, from Senegal, Angola, the Congo, Dahomey, Yoiuba, Sudan, and elsewhere. Furthermore, the identification of the rites by the names of still existing African tribes clearly proves their origin.

It remains to be noted that while the chants of the various rites differ from one another. there is comparatively far greater difference between the dances. For example, an Ibo dance differs more from a Mahi dance than an [bo chant from a Mahi chant. However, perhaps this judgement is based upon the illusion that the sense of sight is more immediately sensitive to movement than the sense of hearing is to the metaphysics of music.

Nevertheless. as a rule the names of the chants and the dances classed according to rites or to nations should automatically indicate the composition of the batteries of dnims as well as the manner in which the drums are played. The following list is a modest attempt to classify both the dances and the fundamental rites that are perfonned in Haitian oum'phors today, omitting those of secondary importance.

RR4da (3 drums)

Voodoo dance

Fla voudoun

Pelhro (2 drums)

lGtha

IGtha mouille (wet IGtha)

Kitha sec (dry Kitha)

Congo (2 or 3 drums)

Congo paillettes Congo mazonne

Congo Creole Congo Franc

Congo Guinee Congo Larose Congo-Pethro

Ibo (3 drums)

Mahi (3 drums)

Nago (3 drums)

DaJ^mee (3 drums)

Dahomee z'epaules

Djouba Franc

Djouba Martinique

Djouba Baboule

Moussongui

BoumOa-LemOa (Pethro) Salengro (Congo-Guinee) Caplaou-Canga

Asson-Rou (Yan- Valou) (3 drums)

Yanvalou Franc

YanvaIou casse

Yanvalou Nago

Yanvalou z'epaules

Yanvalou genoux

Yanvalou debout

Yanvalou dos bas

Banda (3 drumr)

Crabignin, Nago, Congo (3 drumr)

The following dances and rites are also basically of African origin. They were found during the slave period and for some years after, but since that time have gradually disappeared:

Kitha (still seen today, but as part of the Pethro rite to which it does not properly belong)

Caplaou

Caplaou-Canga

Salengro

The following dances and rites likewise bear names of historical and geographical signi6cance, but are combined in one way or another with the first fundamental group-the Rada-which. moreover, influences voodoo choreography:

Fon

Mandingue

Moundongue

Foulah

Soco-Io

Bamhara

Haoussah

Mayombeh

Sobo-houn

Mascotte

Congo-Guinin-houn'tb-GouetO

Makandal

There are also other secondary dances that can be mentioned. and which are variously related to the fundamental group. However. the exact relationship between them and the fundamental group is never very precise or formal. These are the:

Carabienne

Pastorelle

Mout-secM

Bouleverse

The two great dances of totally popular character whose origin is found in the African mask rituals should not be omitted:

Mascaron (of the Pethro rite)

Meringue (of mixed rite: Pethro-Rada)

Because of their very origin, these have became the official dances of the two greatest carnival masked bands in Haiti, likewise called the Mascaron and the Meringue.

Last of all, there is another popular dance-the Rara-perfonned to an orchestral accompaniment dominated by vaccines, or bamboo fiutes. It is of Voodoo origin, and is usually danced along country roads. It "walks" upon very powerful "points" in magic, because of the instrument used by the "king" or "ra" of these bands: a staff decorated with tin ornaments, with which he does all sorts of m^ellous things. Naturally, this staff corresponds to the staff of Legba, for good intent or for evil.

The most important thing to remember about all the Voodoo dances is that, just like all the other factors of the cult, they correspond to clements of the astral which the study of African esoterism attempts to clarify. Like the chants, the veves or ritual diagrams, and the drums, they are capable of initiating communication with the forces of the invisible, for they represent choreographically the very forces that they reproduce.

Voodoo Prayers

Voodoo ceremonies always commence with prayers. These prayers are generally quite long, almost intenninable. For this reason we shall demonstrate only their principle, with a view to showing the procedure employed by the houn'gan or the mambo, with the congregation giving the responses. These prayers are recited as litanies, as moving is they are soporific. They begin with the Prlere Guinin (African Prayer), which demonstrates the religious syncretism operating between Africa and Rome; for this Priere Guinin is found to be a prayer said only in French, but including the names of Roman Catholic saints. The Priere D;or, or Pribe Dio, follows in Voodoo "language," but mixed with French expressions and the names of saints of the Roman calendar.

The Catholic prayer and the diot prayer have as their special purpose the "preparing of the astral" in order to facilitate the ceremonial magic. They place the astral at the disposition of the houn'gan or the mambO. Also, these prayers are sung or followed by chants because the ritual chant is psycho-astral: it totalizes the causal spirit which presides over a religious or lay assembly for a greater control of the supernatural presences which are operating. They are these presences which voodooists call vodoun, loa, voudoun, or mysteres, anges or saints.

When saying these prayers the houn'gan is usually seated before the centerpost (sometimes before the pel, on a low chair, asson and bell in hand with which he accents certain parts of this "spoken chant" comprising the Fnere Guinin and the Pnere Dior.

The leit-motif, "Lih-sah Do4e, Zo . . " which follows the categories of mysteres mentioned, shows that the prayer is placed under the influence of Legba, the old and wise, who represents thunder under the name of Quebie-sou or He-Vio-Zo (the Quebiesou Dan Leh of the Haitian oum'phor, supreme guardian of the purity of the Voodoo Tradition, and who personifies the "serpent of thunder."

The tradition of this prayer allows a charitable and deferential thought for the poor deceased, for the brother masons, for drums no longer used, for the former drummers, for all the old sacred musical instruments no longer usable or lost, for all cult objects broken or thrown away, and even for everything else that may have been forgotten.

Thus, in addition to being a great act of magic incantation having the religious power of concentrating all the traditional psyche of the deceased of the great universal tradition of religion, of which the houn'gan is about to serve as minister, the Voodoo prayer is a fantastic thank offering, and an immense tradition of charity. It embraces the three theological virtues upon which the African cabal is based from its origin: Faith, Hope, and Charity.

This is the fonn of the Roman Catholic Prayer, often recited by a pere savone, or "bush priest," that is, by an acolyte or sacristan of the Roman Church paid by the oum'phor-a paradox inasmuch as Rome is fiercely opposed to V^oodoo.

Our Father . , .

Hail Mary , . .

Creed , . .

Glory be to the Father .

Hail Mary, hear my prayers . . .

Holy Angels, we are on our knees at the feet of Mary .

Saint Rose, hear us . . .

Jesus, hear us . . .

Saint Peter, give us the key which opens the gate . . .

Great saints, give us our powers . .

Saint Anthony, hear us .

Come, my God, Come . .

The angel of the Lord said to Mary that she was pregnant with Jesus Christ. - .

Saint Philomena, virgin and martyr .

Holy virgins, hear us . .

Alas, Alas, Mary Magdalene . . .

Oh, Lord Jesus in the Host. . .

Grace, Mary, grace . . .

In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. .

We hail Thee, O Mary, hear our prayers, and place 11s in heaven to serve you . .

Great God, intercede for us . . .

Saint Joseph, intercede with Jesus, our Redeemer, for us . . .

Saint Joseph, chann, chann our eyes . , ,

Angel of heaven, have pity on us . .

Saint Andrew and Holy Angels, behold us at your knees at the feet of Mary . .

All saints, all saints, all saints, hear us . . .

Saint Anthony of Padua, hear us . .

Saint James, hear us . . .

Saint Philipp, hear us .

Saint John the Baptist, hear us . . .

-other invocations follow.

This is the form of the Priere DiM:

(1) Litany of the Djor saints, a vast syncretism of the cum'phor and Rome:

Rheiez (or helez. or appelez = "call," "summon," "hail") The Great Eternal Father, The Djar Saints, Oh! Hail The Crcat Eternal Father, the Saints Djar Docoi Agoueh. Hail The Great Eternal Father. if we are in the hands of Bon Dieu (The Good God). Oh Saints . . .

Apo Lihsah G Bhadia Wangan Cieto Lihsah Dolch Zo!

Hail the Virgin Mary .

Hail the Virgin of Good Help , . .

Hail the Master Creator of heaven and of earth .

Hail Saint Anthony of Padua . . .

Hail Saint Nicholas . .

Hail Holy Ghost . , .

. Lihsah Doleh Zo!

Hail Saint Andrew .

Hail Saint Joseph . . .

Hail Saint Moses . .

The following saints are invoked as above: Saints Augustine, Savior, Gerard, Ulrich, Patrick (Danbhalah Wedo), Comas and Damien (the Mara-sah), John, Luke, Mark, Matthiew, Peter, Paul, James, Philipp, Charles Bonomeo, Virgin of the Rosary, Virgin of Mercy, Great Saint Ann (Dela-i-e Medeh), the Immaculate Conception, the Virgin Altagrace, the Virgin of Charity, the Virgin of Mount Carmel, Saint Clare, Philomena, Alberic, and all the male and female saints in heaven. Occasionally these invocations are interrupted with the cry, "Lihsah Doleh Zo!

(2) Litany of Djor mysteres, the purely African loas:

Hail Mara-sah. Djor saints, e, Docoi Agoueh. if we are in the hands of the

Bon Dieu (the Good God), Oh Saints . . .

Hail Legba Ait-Bon, Dior e . . .

Hail Ai-Zan Vete-Ketheh . .

The formula repeated, invoking the following loas: Loco Ati-sou Poun'goue, Marasahs: Do-sou, Do-sah, Do-goueh, Do-i-chou, Do-can. Bois. Hail Danbhalah and Aida Wedo, Lihsah Doleh Zo! Hail Soho Ke-sou, Bade-sih Croix-Ia-hounsih, Aga-sou Yinmin, Silibo Vavou, Agoueh Ta R Oyo, Maitre Agoueh R Oyo, Erzulie Freda Tocan Miroi- Zan Zangaza, Maitresse La Sirene, Maitresse La Balein, Bo-sou Canblanmin, Agaou Tonncrre, Azaca Medeh, BeJecou Yenou, Ogou Ba- dagri, Ogou Ferraille, Ogou Bhathalah, Ogou Chango, Baco-sou Ala- deh, Adoum' Guidi, Ogou Ashadeh (an ancient Dahomcan king), Ogou Bhalin'dio, Ogou PaJama, Ossange Megui Malor, Lingle-sou, Grande Bossine, Grande AveIe-Ketheh, Mambo Nanan, Grande Te- sih Freda, Grande Dan-i (a very old serpent of the Tradition), Grande Alouba, Grande Aloumandia, e, Baron Samedi, Gw!dc Nouvavou, Brutus Jean-Simon, Simbi Yande-Zo Yan-kilha, Yam-rolah, Touton Houn'gan, Toutou Mambo, Toutou Houn'guimicon, Toutou HOlln'sih Can-Zo, Toutou La Place Guinin, Toutou Porte-Drapeau Guinin, Toutou Houn'ta-qui (the drummers), Toutou Ogantieh (the ogan player). Toutou Houn'sih de-sou-nin, Toutou I'Afrique Guinin. Zo! Lihsah Doleh Zo! Hail all Mambos, Hail all Houn'gans. The following "nations" of loas are invoked: Rada, Pethro, lbo, Caplaou, An-mine, Ti- Brutus, Mondongue, Mandingue, Sinigal, Canga-Leh, Kitha, Kitha-se, Kitha mouilIe, Congo, Nago, Nago Iki, Ibi-Lihki, Dan-homeh, Zo1 Lihsah Doleh Zo!

The choir of houn'sihs kiss the ground while kneeling, and sing, "Miguel . . . Oh. Magnofoueh11! (Kate: this ritual of general invocation varys linguistically according as it is observed by the Congas, the lbas, the Pethros, the Radas, the Anmines, or the Nagos).

We have presented one of the traditional forms of the prayers because in our own experience it is difficult if not impossible to indicate any invariable method of reciting the prayers and singing the ritual chants of Voodoo at the commencement of a religious service. The result is that if the tradition itself were fixed, definite, and unchangable, the different Voodoo societies would in any case progressively alter purely traditional prayers and chants, ending up with their own versions of prayers and chants. Thus, even though all the prayers and chants are basically similar, they differ so much that the honn'sih choir of one oum'phor is not necessarily able to give the responses to prayers and chants "sent" by the houn'gan or houn'guimicon of another oum'phor. This is frequently observed because the houn'gans and mam'bos of different oum'phors frequently are visitors and lend their aid in maintaining the tradition in other oum'phors. For example. if a houn'guenicon of Port.de-Paix, in northwest Haiti, "sends" the chants in an oum'phor of Crois-des-Missions, in western Haiti, the choir of the oum'phor at Croix-des-Missions may have great difficulty in giving the response.

Nevertheless. to give a more or less definite idea of the manner of reciting these prayers and perfonning these chants of the voodoo ritual, we have taken the pains to record carefully the regular succession of some of them as is practiced in an ourn'phor at Croix-des- Missions. This order of prayers applies to a Voodoo service in the Pethro rite:

PRAYERS,

(1) Roman Catholic Prayers: Our Father

Hail Mary  1 1) French

Creed  2 2) Latin

Confiteor  i

SONGS: (French)

(2) The angel of the Lord said to Mary that she would conceive of the Holy Ghost

Come, My God, Come

Grace, Mary, Grace . . .

(In Creole)

Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for the Saints .

Danbhalah-Wedo. assuage your children .

Danbhalah-Wedo, we are all angels . .

LITANY OF THE VOUDOUN,

(3) (Note: After each invocation the houn'sibs respond: ce z'anges!)

tt:^ ... ^cez!^nges

Sim'bi An-De-Zo , . . Loumandia , , ’ Kitha Malor , , Azagon ’ , , Houn'gan Saloperie , . . Houn'gan patemels ’ . Houn'gan maternels ' . .

c6 z’anges

(Ieit-motif pronounced by the houn'gan):

Danbhalah-Wedo! We are all angels, Oh, Dh, Oh!

Dgou Bhathalah ’ , . ^..

Ogou Chango , . .  ”

Adoum' Guidi, . .  ”

Danbhalah-Wedo!

VOODOO SONGS (in Wngage, sometimes mixed with Creole): (4) Toni rheM Congo , . .

0, Sim'bi, anhe! Manman-mrin, ° Ike Mam'bre , . .

Moin dit ou, gangan yo , ’ . ("I tell you, the houn'gans") 0, Ouanguileh, kim'hoi sala , . .

0, Wangol, 0, au a montre—m' la prie qui minnin Africains sOti Ian Guinin: trois paters, trois ave Marias , . .

An, anI Madioman, an, an , , .

LITANY OF THE VOUDOUN,

Response

(5) CaHou Boum'ba , . . An, an! Madioman, an, an" ...

Toutes loa Kitha . , . (All Kitha loas) "

Toutes houn'sih dans le del , . । *

Kitha Maza , . .  "

Poun'goueh Gangan , ' ।

Zila Congo , . .  '

Moussai , .  "

VOODOO CHANTS (in Creole and in langage):

(6) Janmin, janmin, Ti Kitha Poun'goueh . . .

0, salue moin! Gangan moin, Bacaya Ba-Ka , . .

The same chants continue to accompany the rest of the ceremony:

^R,'P"™

Sophie Congo . . . Baka-Lab, an-M 0, Baka-Lahl

Houn'gan Matemel . -  "

HouD’gaD Paternel ...  ”

Quebie-sou ...   ”

Sim'bi Y-an-Kitha . . .  '

Zilah Mo-yo ...   "

Kitha Malor . . ,  "

Jean-Pierre Poungoueh , . . ⁿ

These invocations and responses may continue indefinitely. The fundamental principle of Voodoo is clearly observed in the chant "O, Wangol, 0, ou a montre—m' la prie qui minnin Africains sOti Ian Gui- nin: trois Pater, trois Ave Maria" ("Dh Wangol, Ohl You have shown me the prayer which leads Africans out of Guinea, [Africa]: [Say] three Our Fathers. three Ave Marias.") which refers to the voyage of initiation in Africa. to He or Ile. This principle above all must be remembered in order to understand Voodoo. lEe or lie (Ian z'ilets, as Haitians say) is therefore the Promised Land: the land which necessarily is found on the other side of the water, and which the Tradition translates as follows:

lEe. or lie: The Land

O1o, or Oro: Promise

Performing Voodoo Magic

With the previous chapters as a background, the reader needs only to know something of the procedural method in order to attempt to perfonn a Voodoo ceremony. The instructions that follow are condensed as much as possible because the writer believes that in Voodoo magic, as in every other kind of magic, there are fewer requirements for success than most people generally imagine. Most important is a good understanding of the principles.

In the foregoing synthesis-a true summary of the principles of magic-the writer has not been content merely to gather infonnation from Haitian Voodoo practitioners and from his own observations, but he has diligently gone back to the African sources of Voodoo that have been somewhat altered by the Creole of the West Indies, Compared with Haitian practices, the truly African procedural method in Voodoo is purer, simpler, and more efficacious, without the useless accumulations which have grown out of individual preferences or are the result of a lack of initiative preparation verging on heterodoxy, The writer's intention has been encouraged by numerous houn'gans who, having steeped themselves in the authentic sources of Voodoo, claim that they "work" with an asson-Guinin (an "Mrican asson").

The Tradition.Guinin, or African tradition, teaches one thing that the practitioner should not lose sight of when performing a ceremony: the phenomenal designs employed in magic are a simple modification of the "astral fluid of the earth," For this reason the magic signs-the veves-are usually traced on the ground. These designs remain in the place to which the "firmly spoken will" of the celebrant "sends" them. This "astral fluid of the earth" is the "great magical agent" of Voodoo. It is expressed by the veves, which the loas of this supernatural agency immediately comprehend, to which they yield. and which they obey.

Procedures To Follow

HouD'gan crosses himself; he recites (or may omit) the p^rlbe dior;

(1) With flour which has heen oriented in the manner described below. he traces a veve, or synthetizing magic diagram.

The tracing is made upon the ground or upon a sheet of white paper which the celebrant places on a table. He then blows the remainder of the flour from the palm of his hand towards the four cardinal points.

The celebrant crosses himself thus:

on the forehead, or East, saying Linsah;

on the breast, or West, saying Mawu;

on the left shoulder, or North, saying Vovo-Lin-V-Hwe

(Sakpata = Impurity)

on the right shoulder, or South, saying Hevio-Zo

(Ku-Ji = Purity)

He makes the sign of the cross over the ground:

(2) He says in a clear voice, loudly and with determination, three times for each Spirit:

By the powers of Grand Maitre: ATEGBINIMONSE ODAN- BHALAH WEDO DANGBE TAU-CAN ZO A-GLA YE-WE,

By the powers of AIDA WEDO,

By the powers of TSILLAH WEDO,

By the powers of LOA-CAN LlH^CAN LEGBA ATI-BON, to whom I say "Ke, Ecu-MaIe, Gba, ke dounou nou Al Pha. Vou- doun Yeke, hen-mi ace."

The celebrant orients a candle and some matches; he lights the candle and places it on the table or inside the circle.

He orients the water in the same manner, namely East, West, North, South.

APOLIHSAHGBADYA

3 4---- < >----- 4 ⁴

SJH-YE TO MENAN < > BO DAN GUIMIN

2

AHOUENGAN

(3) The celebrant calls out the name of each of the loas of the Terrestrial Fluid three times, and at each name throws three drops of water on the ground in the form of a triangle:

By the powers of LEGBA ATIBON CATA-ROULO,

By the powers of GBA ADU,

By the powers of SEGBO LlHSAH,

By the powers of LOKO ATI-ZO,

By the powers of AtZAN A VELEH KETHEH,

By the powers of KEVIOZO DAN LEH,

By the powers of SIM'BHI IAN-DE-ZO IAN-PHA-CAN IAN- KITHA,

By the powers of MAITRE AGOUEH RO 10,

By the powers of MAITRESSE ASE-I-LIH FREDDA DAN- HOME TAU-CAN MIROI-ZE ZAGAZA DAN-THOR ZAN

DOR KITHA-SEC IBO CONGO CAPLAOU PETHRO NAGO

FON FOULAH RADA NACO,

By the powers of DAN WU-E-ZO,

By the powers of Deau FER,

By the powers of aGaU BRAUN'DIO, By the powers of OeOU BHATHALAH, By the powers of aeOU BHADAGRI. By the powers of Grande FLEURIZON (FLEURI ZO), By the powers of BOHO^VI (The Twins), By the powers of Docteur PIQURES, By the powers of LEM'BHA ZA-WU, By the powers of ALOUMANDIA, By the powers of all the Voudoun, By the powers of FAITH, HOPE, AND CHARITY.

(4) 4) The celebrant places or plants a golden pin (which has been oriented as above) upon or in the table, the stone of the $oc1e. or within the circle of operation. To the pin he attaches a gold or silver chain (likewise oriented).

He sprinkles water upon the area of operation in a triangular pattern saying: BOLOU

BOCICE

BOYE

In this way the Earth, as the Astral Light, thus nourished, may forge the magic chain which will produce the supernatural phenomenon. The earth then reacts by liberating the alchemic volatile in order to achieve the results dictated by the will of the celebrant.

The celebrant then announces what he desires the loas to do, tenni^ nating with the following potent fonnula:

KU DYO,

ATEGBINIMONSE,

LEGBA,

AGOO DI PHA HWE,

The following fonnula may be substituted for the preceding: SILOE AEI-LiH AEI-LiH AEI-LiH

LAMMA

SAH-BHA-K-THA-NI (to establish the fluid circuit of the transubstantiation of power)

(5) He assists in the liberation of the "volatile" by spraying out of his mouth the water which he has taken in three draughts, in order to put into operation the transubstantiation of the sacramental material.

He sprinkles with perfume all the ceremonial facilities in order to aid still further the transmission of the powers.

He dispatches the loas with these words:

YE-KE = The ensemble of the loas

MAR-CH-ALLAHI = "Peace be with you!" KU M BHA-LAH DYA = "Withdraw into the Light."

Magic Baths of Voodoo

V^oodoo practitioners have always attached considerable importance to the "magic baths"-baths which they take in the oum'phor, in the ocean, or at home, and about the composition of which they are very much concerned. Peasants are not the only ones familiar with the practice of ceremonial bathing. It is common knowledge that the practice extends to people at the highest social levels. Haitian congressional candidates and even candidates for the presidency are known to have taken "magic baths" to improve their chances of being elected.

One well known bath is the "Christmas Bath." Another is the "New Year's Day Bath." In great numbers bathers wade into the ocean a short distance from the shore carrying seven, ten, or twenty-one pieces of a lime. As they dive in they pray the loas of the sea to prevent any supernatural operations directed against them from touching them. Agoueh R Oyo and Agoueh Tha R Oyo, loas of the sea, welcome bathers on Mondays and Fridays.

Children who sleep poorly, have worms, or a poor appetite, are bathed by the houn'gan. The houn'gan plunges the child into a basin of water in which he has previously mashed leaves of the mimosa pooica plant, called honte in Creole, which means "shame." This plant has the virtue of halting attacks of fever or other pathological conditions: the malady disappears because it feels "shame'! Often the water is mixed with c1airin. all or part of which was previously set ablaze-a process believed to destroy all disease germs. When the bath is finished. but before the water is poured into a hole or thrown into the sea, the vessel which contained the water is "paid;" that is to say, a coin is placed in it to remunerate the water-spirit to whom the prayer had been addressed to protect the person given the bath.

The "charm" bath is given by the mystere Danbhalah Wedo rather than by the houn'gan, because Danbhalah is the mystere believed to have plunged into the "abyssal waters" in order to induce the "abysses" to "give birth to the world." Danbhalah is therefore the bath-giver par excellence. The bath administered by Danbhalah is always a salutary one: it attracts everything pleasant, procures all kinds of favors, reconciles the staunchest enemies, obtains jobs and promotions, and cures all sorts of incurable ailments, at any rate ailments believed to be incurable. In order that the bath may be even more advantageous, it should be taken on a Thursday, Danbhalah's day, upon the "points" of Jupiter-The mystere Quebiesou Dan.Leh, who is the ravisher or channer par excellence.

The composition of the "chann" bath requires the most agreeable- elements: flowers, jasmine leaves, orgeat, pulverized sweet.almond, much perfume and agua didna, and champagne. The "chann" bath should be taken on three consecutive days in order to obtain its full effect.

The "Lady" bath is the bath taken under the magic auspices of Erzulie. Generally speaking, it is desirable to summon the mystt&re Erzulie to come in person and administer the bath, just as in the case of the "chann" bath, it is preferable to call down Danbhalah Wedo into a hounsih's head, so that the mystere himself will bathe the person for whom the bath is intended. The bath of Erzulie used to be much in vogue, but it is no longer as popular as it once was. Nowadays initiates are content to take a substitute Erzulie bath by rubbing themselves with water in which Erzulie, while possessing somebody, has herself bathed. The bath water used in this fashion is thought to produce good fortune and to cure illness. The "Lady" bath contains three bunches of basilica leaves, seven sweet peppers, a measure of zo- douvant (Eugenia crenulata Wild) powder, baume du commandeur, tincture of benzoin, and Florida Water. Perfume may be added in any desired quantity, perfume being the most important element in \taitresse Erzulie's toilette. Taken preferably once a year, this bath must be preceded and followed by the offering of a dessert to the mystere who comes to administer the bath. It is believed to be of great help in winning money; and it "walks" on the "points" of Venus.

Another bath reputed to bring good luck is the Iho bath. One or more Iho loas are summoned to administer the bath to those who desire it. The ingredients of the bath solution must never be changed throughout the entire magical operation, that is to say, over a period of seven days. Since the bath solution diminishes in quantity with each use, there ordinarily remains only enough to rub oneself with the last few times. The formula for this bath is as follows: a litre of blazing aicohol: a banana, sea water collected "at the islands;" mushrooms; " rushed pineapple; seven holly leaves; a bottle of holy water taken rrom a holy water basin in a church; and perfume. The "good luck" hath "walks" on the "paints" of the Sun.

In order to administer the bath to combat misfortune, the houn'gan completely disrobes the client and makes him lie on the ground. Sometimes, as a special favor, he gives him a small straw mat. The houn'gan then passes a cruciflx (Legba being the Voodoo Jesus) and t he tail of a codflsh over his joints, beginning at the head. The nape of the neck and the jaws respectively are the places of the body where the spirits of the voudouns enter or express themselves. The houn'gan therefore commands the evil spirits to withdraw from the hody of the person whom he is preparing to bathe in the name of Cod the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost. The houn'gan then plunges his client into water containing salt (unless sea water is available), clairin, seven vine leaves, three or seven bunches of parsley, several shallots, perfume, and several pieces of money. This bath should be a very short one, lasting no longer than two or three mjnutes. Moreover, it should be taken on nine successive Fridays.

In order to increase the magic power of the various baths, it is advantageous to trace on the inside or the outside of the bathtub the ,ivcs associated with the astral influence of the loa under whose in- Ihu’nce the bath is administered. For example, if Erzulie descends from the astral to "mount" a "horse" for the purpose of bathing an individual, a heart, or anything that has reference to the heart. is traced both on the inner and outer walls of the tub. In the case of Ogou. a wrought iron grill or a sword is sketched, in accordance with the geometric tradition inherited from Africa.

Bringing Vengeance on Enemies

Manman Brigitte, or Mademoiselle Brigitte, is one of the best known and most popular leas of Haitian Voodoo. Some claim that she is the wife of Baron Samedi. lord of the cemetery, others that she is "the most ancient of the dead," that is to say, of the Guedes. Her tree- reposoir is the weeping willow. the elm, or the medecinier-beni.

Although Manman Brigitte does not have her own cult, which would require a special altar in the cum'phor, she nevertheless has an enormous number of devotees. At one time they used to go to invoke and consult her under a particular tree that grew not far from the cross of Baron Samedi in the principal cemetery of Port-au-Prince. At present the government police prohibit this practice. Nevertheless, Manman Brigitte still inhabits the cemetery, abiding not only in other trees but in various rock piles as well. She is also called Grande Brigitte. Her powers are immense, and her veves are among the most interesting in all Voodoo.

In the principal cemetery in Port-au-Prince, where formerly people could be seen invoking her before her favorite tree had been cut down through the combined efforts of the police and the clergy, het clients used to sprinkle the roots of the elm with raw c1airin and wheaten Bout. They also used to present her with cornmeal and peanuts, which they placed on the ground at the foot of the tree, promising her other gifts if she heeded the prayers addressed to her. To invoke her the devotees would light one or more candles and stick them on the roots or on the lower trunk of the elm tree. The multitudes of these lighted candles which could always be seen by this tree presented a most unusual Sight. especially at dusk. Incidentally, this practice was originally employed in addressing prayers to the cross of Baron Samedi, and these crosses today present much the same appearance as the steps of old churches that are literally paved with lighted candles. The Voodooist speaks directly to the elm tree when he addressed Grande Brigitte, just as if someone were standing before him capable of replying. Guede Nibho, one of the most important of the

African "dead," together with the thirty other GuMes who are his hrothers, sometimes claims to be the child of Brigitte. Hence the list contains thirty-one Guedes. However, more than thirty-one are observed, since each Guede may appear under many aliases; for example, Guede Nibho is also known as Ti Puce,

Manman Brigitte's clientele is mostly made up of people who are constantly embroiled in disputes with their friends or neighbors— people who always have enemies and who are continually involved in some argument.

On the way to the cemetery to consult the mystere (said to be "the oldest of the dead," hence the wisest), the client cuts a stalk of hayahonde before presenting himself at the elm tree. As he cuts the stalk he says; "In the name of Mademoiselle Brigitte," Arriving at the tree, he pronounces the follOWing words with an air of great authority; "Mademoiselle Brigitte, behold the lash which 'so-and-so' or 'so-and- so' has cut to strike you with." (Implication: ", , . to strike your servant who is one with yourself, since your servant is your child.") "I bring it to you that you may teach him the lesson he deserves,"

If one wishes to cause misunderstanding between two people. the prayer must contain the words: ", , , that you may prevent 'A' from hecoming reconciled with 'B' or 'C: "

As the client pronounces these words-words which are immediately j’choed in all the cemeteries of the world-he bends down and embraces the ground, then scoops up a bit of earth at the foot of the elm Irce, usually seven handfuls. Taking some of it in the palm of his hand. he proceeds to the home of his enemy, and when he arrives he throws the cemetery dirt towards the entrance of the house, taking care not to he observed, and uttering these words: "Mademoiselle Brigitte, here is where the person lives whom I prayed to you to tonnent."

On the way from the cemetery to the door of his enemy's house, Ii(’ must not return anyone's greeting. He may do so, however, after he has spoken the above words. and in fact. may speak to anyone he " iicoimters, for the ritual of the magic operation has been completed, Should he return the greeting offered him en route to his enemy's house. or speak to anyone, the magic would be ineffective.

When the anticipated results of the operation have materialized. I he promises made to Brigitte in the cemetery must be fulfilled immediately under pain of having the effects of the magic backBre,

The magical operation here described illustrates the magic reci-

procity established between the Voodoo mystere and the devotee. It is essentially this reciprocity that confers magic power, and which deserves special prominence, since it underlies the entire mystical system of the cult.

Use of Magic Lamps

The best and simplest way to prepare an "eternal" lamp is to pour a little castor oil and olive oil in a receptacle and hang it from the ceiling in the center of the Dum'phar or one's private shrine (in case the person does not have an cum'phar but serves the mysteres anyway). The location in the center of the ceiling corresponds to the location of the center-post in the cum'phar which the "eternal" lamp is considered as replacing. The lamp. or its substitute. may also be placed upon the pe of the mystere being served.

There is no objection to adding perfume to the castor oil and olive oil. but before adding anything else, it is advisable to wait until the mystere has made known his wishes in the matter, unless, of course, the person who prepares the lamp has professional knowledge of the necessary ingredients relative to the myshhe in question. However, despite the superior knowledge of the houn'gan who prepares a lamp of this sort, the loas may appear and demand the addition of a particular powder or favorite leaf that will precipitate the virtues of the light through their contribution to the power of the elements which produce it. For example. if baume du commandeur is added to the oils which produce the light, the lamp will shed a lovely atmosphere of peace over the house where the lamp hangs or is placed. If. on the other hand, gunpowder or pepper is added, the domestic scene will be disturbed.

The "Work"Work" Lamp

A "work" lamp is employed for more personal reasons. Its purpose is to obtain employment for its maker. It is placed under the aegis of Legba, since the tradition reveals that Legba is the mystere who obtains work for Danbhalah. However, the same lamp may be placed under the auspices of one or more subordinate mysteres, summoned to do a piece of work and possessing the houn'gan himself or somebody else.

When properly composed, this lamp has remarkable properties. But it must be remembered that its ingredients draw their magic properties in the 6rst place only from the analogies they bear to the results which the lamp is supposed to produce. For example, if the houn'gan wishes to cure sick people he should add some basic medicines to the lamp oil.

The lamp then summons or attracts patients. To retain his clientele, magic analogy requires that he include in the lamp a few drops of strong glue or bits of gum arabic. The lamp also grants the houn'gan the powers of the loas under whose protection it is placed. If he wants the lamp to attract patients immediately, he must add seven measures of "red precipitate" (red oxide of mercury).

Most of the "work" lamps are of a type that might be called universal, that is to say, they contain universal properties. Into their composition go numerous, somewhat diverse ingredients: olive oil, castor oil, precipitate, baume du commandeur, various essential oils, preferably essence of rose, a piece of beef heart, and seven packets of iii’edles or seven needles placed upon a piece of parchment lining the bottom of the lamp. The beef heart is often punctured before lit’ing removed from the animal. The lamp also contains wine spirits, juice of the ave leaf, red wine, gunpowder, powdered madder, and pure lard; furthermore, these seven articles should be purchased in seven different shops in seven different parts of town.

Apart from the protection accorded this type of lamp by Legba Ati-Bon, it is frequently placed under the aegis of Lako Ati-sou I'oun'goueh, of Papa Ogou, or of Papa Danbhalah. Traditionally, the l:iinp is placed upon the pe of the mystere under whose protection it lies. In times past, the lamp used to be hung in the tree-reposoir of t hi’ mystere-a custom which no longer seems to prevail, owing, no doubt, to the practical difficulties involved. The manner of rendering it most efficacious now consists in placing it at the base of some ob- wet into which it is possible to summon the desired myst/he.

The best magic results are obtained from a lamp if prayers are said iii front of it always at the same moment of the day or night, while tlu’ oil is being replenished, should this be necessary. The stroke of iuhhi is the best time if the lamp is intended to achieve a beneficial .iim; midnight, if its purpose is evil. While the person is reciting his

prayer. he mentions his desires, at the same time stirring the contents of the lamp with a green twig. The lamp is ordinarily kept lighted until the request has been fulfilled-six, eight, ten months, or even a year, if necessary. The proper use of the lamp requires that it not be extinguished until satisfaction is obtained. If it is directed against an enemy, means should be found of secreting it at the gate of the enemy's yard.

The Black Lamp

The "black" lamp is composed of castor oil, piment-chien, Guineapepper, powdered lizard, powder of a decomposed corpse, precipitate, and soot. Preferably it is hung in the yard instead of being left in the house. This magic lamp serves mainly to compel a recalcitrant tenant to evacuate the house that he rents, an enemy to move out of the neighborhood or out of town, to produce discord in politics and public affairs, to disrupt a family, or to cause an enemy to lose his job or even to die.

If the lamp is intended to mitigate an evil, it should be placed under the auspices of a loa of the Rada rite, but if it is to serve evil ends, it comes under the jurisdiction of a Pethro loa. The lamp is made either of half a dried coconut shell, half a pumpkin, or the shell of a sea-crab. Its ingredients should be renewed every Friday for seven consecutive weeks.

The “black” lamp is most often placed under the protection of Agoueh R Oyo, the god of the sea, for when it has produced satisfactory results, either its contents are thrown into the sea or the entire lamp is placed on a tiny raft and 80ated out to sea where it sinks like a toy boat.

The "Bottle" Lamp or "'Black Bottle"

This lamp is composed in much the same way as the last one, that is to say, according to the laws of analogy. It corresponds with the powers of a Voodoo mystere chosen because of his analogical similarities to the lamp's contents. For example. Ogou is chosen because he is associated with fire. Agoueh with water, Erzulie with love and iustice. The lamp. or strictly speaking a bottle inside of which a wick is lighted but snuffed out when the bottle is corked, is hung at one end of the yard. Every day at the same hour the houn'gao. anned with a whip, rushes at the bottle and administers a sound thrashing to it. This has the effect of hastening the mystere in the perfonnance of his assigned task.

The "Charm" Lamp

The "charm" lamp is generally placed upon a table at which the person perfonns the magical operations. It is usually made of half a coconut shell. and contains ingredients which have analogous qualities of sweetness and attraction: a magnet, syrup, sugar, honey, perfume and Rower petals. particularly those of jasmine and heliotrope.

The chief constituent of the lamp is a sheep's brain purchased with the idea in mind of purchasing the individual whom one wishes to charm. Olive oil is added. and the lamp is lighted in the name of Legba, who represents the heart, and Erzulie, who represents the sentiment of love. It is kept lighted until results are obtained.

The 'Diwier" Lamp

The "disaster" lamp is employed for Machiavellian purposes, Its two principal ingredients are lime juice and the gall bladder of an ox. To this is added raw, unrefined castor oil and soot.

This lamp is usually placed in a hole in the ground. Its constituents are placed in a dirty cooking pot, or if they are already held in another container, the whole lamp is placed in an old pot, and this is placed at the bottom of a hole dug at the foot of a tree consecrated to some mystere in a remote spot in the garden. Inasmuch as this lamp is under the aegis of the Guede loas, gods of the cemetery. it is capable of producing dire catastrophes.

Using Blood Sacrifices

The Voodoo initiate increases his power to bring forth the gods or call back the dead by tasting the offerings that are made-even the blood of the animal sacrifices-and by swallowing a part of the ma^ terial with which he traces the diagrams. This he does at the moment of placing the sacrifice upon the sign of the cross in the diagram. However, if the cross has been traced upon the ground, he buries the sacrifice in this spot. He then consumes a small portion of the food. thereby sharing it with the invisibles; whereupon (or at some time previous) he digs a hole and buries it, repeating his request at the same time.

However, before burying the sacrifices. the celebrant must make three turns with them around the hole in each direction, saying:

(1) 1) "In the name of Bha"

(2) "In the name of Dan"

(3) "In the name of Lah"

He consequently makes six turns in all about the hole, three in one direction, three in the other. The turns to the left signify that he arises to the Orient-the East-of the magical operation, to obtain the power and the grace which he needs. The turns to the right signify that he returns from the Orient to the Occident-the West-in possession of this power and grace. The sacrifice should be dispatched into the Invisible accompanied by a few pieces of money, and it must be consecrated in the following traditional manner:

(1) orient, then sprinkle it, making the sign of the cross;

(2) make the sign of the cross over it with flour;

(3) place over it three piles of "food" in the form of a mangle;

(4) sprinkle it with the ritual beverages;

(5) cause part of it to be eaten upon the "key points" of the veve.

When offerings other than water are used, the celebrant orients them, strikes them three times against the ground which is to receive them, and says:

"Ke Ecuma!e Cba, ku dyo."

Then, after he has declared his wishes, he buries the offerings on the spot where, at the beginning of the operation, he had made the sign of the cross upon the ground.

The volatile essence released by the act of sacrificing corresponds to the dove of the holy spirit descending "upon" or "in the head" of the celebrant at the moment he "casts the water," The descent of the holy spirit is identified supernaturally with the magic confennent of powers and favors sought by the person who controls the omnipotence.

The offerings which are made to the earth. in addition to the water, confonn to the special tastes of certain members of the pantheon of the invisibles. Thus, in order to bring about the appearance of a spirit more easily, one must attract it magically by offering what it wants, for example, clothes to wear when it makes its appearance, food, songs, a weapon, beverages, and perfumes-factors which constitute the "chain of magnetic attraction."

Contrariwise, to remove a loa from a given place, the houn'gan does the exact opposite of what he did to attract it. He produces the most disagreeable sounds poSSible. He spreads foul odors. He insults it, even striking it. He dismisses it with harsh words and chills it by pouring water over it in the name of the holy spirit.

In cases in which the celebrant does not desire to invoke all the 10as of the pantheon, but to restrict his invocation to a single loa, he employs only the diagram of this one loa.

In the especially important instance in which the celebrant offers hlood as a sacrifice to an invisible, it is preferable that he include, in addition to the magic diagram of the mystere invoked, that of the mystere who controls the blood, for the latter is the complementary opposite of Legba Ati-Bon (Legba Adingban), the invisible who is invoked first to "open the gates" of the fluid of the earth.

The mystere who controls the circulation of the blood is identified with the female genital organs, because the menstrual periods of the woman are affected by the blood and "walk" cabalistically upon silver; while Legba, on the other hand, is identified with the male genital organs which "walk" cabalistically upon gold. Hence the golden pin "ymbolizes the magician in his omnipotence, and the chain the magic i!self of the operation. Therefore, the silver chain is the magic chain of the astral light.

Legba gives; Erzulie receives. So when Legba "raises" or accomplishes the sacrifice to fulfill the wish of the celebrant, the mystere who controls the blood is useful to him, if not indispensable, because Ihis myshire allows the sacrifice to be accomplished by directing the 1.\ood of the victim into the hidden places of the terrestrial fluid under the sign of purity, which is his own attribute. The mystere who controls the blood can do anything. She is known as Erzulih (Aze-'i-Lih), and her assistance is solicited by calling her three time or six times over her diagram, which is one of her numerous astral ectoplasms. This mystere, the controller of the sacrificial blood, is the tenth sign of the oracular alphabet of the loas, and it corresponds to the rising of the sun. To invoke this power and to render it beneficent, one must say:

"By the power of Madame la Lune (Mrs. Moon), La Belle Venus (The Fair Venus), in the name of the woman Brillant-Soleil (Brilliant Sun), in the name of SAH-MEJI, Madame Magie (Mrs. Magic) who precedes Loso-Meji (the mystere who takes the veve and the wish of the celebrant and transports them to the sky), in the name of Negresse Gba—a—Dou, Negresse Loko, Negresse Yalode, Negresse Lihsah, Negresse I'Arc-en-del (Rainbow), Maitresse Agoueh-Tha-Oyo, Mai- tresse La Sirene, Maitresse La Baleine;

"By the power of Maitresse Erzulih Fraeyja Danhome, Negresse Imamou Lade, Negresse Freda Rada Congo Pethro Nago Caplaou Ibho, Negresse Freda-sih Freda, Lih Freda-sih Freda and I'Freda LA Danhome in agreement, Lih Can, Negresse Fla voudoun' CisaBeur voudoun' Negresse Thabor Mangnan Voude, Negresse Cibracan, Negresse Cordon Bleu (Blue Ribbon), Negresse Coquille Doree (Gilded Cockleshell), Negresse I'Ocean."

In the Pethro-Zazi rite there are three ways of killing a cock offered as a sacrifice:

I. (1) Orientation (presentation to the four cardinal points);

(2) Rubbing the victim against all sides of the center-post;

(3) Sprinkling with alcohol (or kerosene);

(4) Making the sign of the cross with Bour;

(5) Plucking the crop, and sticking some of the down upon the socle, the post, and the ceremonial utensils with blood taken from the bird's throat after tearing out the tongue;

(6) Signing with the cross the plucked neck with Sour, sprinkling it with liquid, and holding it momentarily over the "strong points" of the veve;

(7) Cutting the throat with a knife, but not enough so as to prevent the bird from breathing and tasting grain which is offered it; then severing the head and pouring the blood on and around the post (as well as on the iron tongs which are found planted before the post or, more commonly, in the yard in the center of a brazier), to which the delicate crop feathers are stuck with the bird's own blood, and finally pouring the blood upon the ground over the flour-traced veve;

(8) Placing the bird on the ground, whence it will be taken to be cooked. Upon removal, the sacrificed cock is struck three times on the ground.

II. (1) The cock is given something to eat on the ground while the drums beat; (it is not tied up);

(2) Sprinkling of victim and veve with liqueurs and other alcoholic beverages reserved for the ceremony;

(3) Making the sign of the cross over the bird with flour;

(4) Orientation;

(5) Breaking the feet and the wings (one for each of the cardinal points);

(6) Plucking the crop and placing the down upon the socle;

(7) Rubbing the victim against all sides of the center-post;

(8) The second sprinkling with alcohol;

(9) Making the sign of the cross over the bird with the liqueurs and the food offerings which accompany the sacrifice;

(10) Holding the bird over the "strong points" of the veve;

(11) Twisting the neck as though winding a spring: the houn'gan holds the bird by the head and swings it with a circular motion until the head is torn off (or nearly so) by the tortion.

III Illustrating the slaying of the victim by the mystere Ogou Balin'dio:

(1) The mystere moves hack and forth with the bird before the centerpost (on the side facing east);

(2) He breaks the neck;

(3) he orients, then breaks the feet and wings;

(4) he tears off the head with his teeth, having first rubbed the bird upon the veve which had been traced with :Bour on the ground of the oum'phor;

(5) he throws it upon the veve on the ground and sprinkles the veve with liqueurs.

Human Sacrifice

Voodoo initiates call those who have abandoned the tradition cabrit thomazos (also known as "Congos and Ibos enchained"). They are members of the so-called "red" or "criminal" sects who shed human blood for sacrificial offerings.

The "red sects" are a type of survival of the secret sects of Africa whose members believe themselves to be animals-mysterious representations of the totems of clans. The members of these sects are "mounted" or "possessed" by these totem protectors in whose skins they perform extraordinary feats. They may become leopardmen, serpentmen, elephantmen, owlmen. pythonmen, crocodilemen, wolf. men, or lianmen.

The werewolves of Haiti are men or women transfonned magically into birds of prey that fly in the air like real birds. During their nocturnal flight their bodies give off a luminous trail as well as an odor of hot iron or, some say, of sulfur. They pounce upon those whom they wish to capture, and carry them off into the air as a vulture carries off a hare.

The "red sects," who lean toward the Pethro rite of Voodoo, bear such diverse names as Cochons sans poils (Hairless Pigs), Bissages or Bi-sango, Cochons Cris (Gray Pigs), and Vin'Bain-Ding (Blood, Pain, Excrement). Their emblem is the destroying sword of St. Michael. which corresponds in astrology to the sword of Orion in the Zodiac, or the bow of Sagittarius. Grouped into sects devoted to ritual destruction, they make use of the sword and the bow in accomplishing their purposes. Tradition holds that they once dressed in white. Today, however, they prefer to wear blood-red. They also wear a curious silver ring ornamented with a tower.

Members of these sects have become ritual destroyers through a false concept of crucifixion. They believe that Legba, the Voodoo Jesus. died upon the arbre sec (the center-post or the cross) in order to serve as an edible human sacrifice. a concept which they are encouraged to hold because of the expression employed in the very churches that oppose them: "This is my Body . . . This is my Blood." The Voodoo tradition accuses the "red sect" of haVing put Jesus to death as a human sacrifice.

The expression cabrit thomazo refers to the "impure" Voodooists because of the serpent of the Afro-Judaic temple that is known as Asch, Ast, or Ast-Hom_ Ast-Hom is believed by traditionalists to be a variation of Thorn-As, a later African expression signifying "the musical atmosphere of the oum'phor."

Members of the various "red" sects are under the fearful influence of Erzulie Zan-dor, who substitutes for the serpent a man who, according to the sect and the locality, is called Legba Ati-Bon, Is, or Ahou-d. Mazda.

Some ill-informed writers attribute the origin of the "red" sects to the cannibalistic character of the Mandingue, Mondongue, and Sis- sango tribes from whom the Bandor mysteres were inherited. Tradition, however, holds that the schism dates from the historic disagreement between the Samaritans and the Jews.

1

Rituals and Ceremonies of Voodoo

Many of the colorful and

exciting rituals and ceremonies of Voo

doo are basically designed to help lead the houn'sihs to the light. In a moment we will go into some oum'phors to observe a few of these ceremonies in detail. But first it would be helpful to scan in outline fann some of the basic rituals:

Meue n'anrne (Placing the soul) -a process which magically balances the ba and the ka of the newborn, that is, the two parts of the soul.

Lec,e nom (Taking the name)-talisman and magic protection given to children. They consist in taking the name of an ancestor in order to perpetuate the tradition. The child is entrusted to the protective spirit whose name he has taken.

Garde (Protection)-magic conflrmation of the Leve nom-the loa to which a person is entrusted and to which the person must devote ritual sacrifices as a compensation for the protection. The protected one thus "serves" the loa. This ceremony may take place at any age.

Lace^tete (Washing the head}-ritual baptism, to facilitate by means of water or any other liquid, the entrance of the loas "in the head" of the new initiate, water being the pathway of the loas.

Can.Zo, or Boulez-Zain: initiatory "putting to bed" on the "houn'sih- point," or "ordinary putting to bed"-{a) Initiatory "putting to bed" in the dievD (lave—tete); (b) Food offered to the head (manger-tete); (c) Can-zo, properly so-called (Initiation by nre); (d) Coming forth of the initiated houn'sih (lever); (e) Baptism; (f) Putting on of the ritual necklace.

RafrGichi-tete (Refreshing the head)-a further baptism for reinforcing the maitre-tete loas by opening wider for them the pathway of the spirit by the magical power of water.

Hau$sements (Lifting, or rising)-ceremonies of the granting of initiatic degrees, including the successive degrees to which the houn'sih can-zo, La Place, Houn'guenicon, Confance, Mambo, Houn'gan, and others may attain.

De-sou-nin-recovery of the powers of deceased initiates.

Prise du mort-obtaining the spirit of the dead from the cemetery where the person has been buried.

Boulez-zain mort Ou-an Zain-a ceremony performed once or three times, according to the degree held by the deceased.

Ouete -^mort ran dTeau Cassez-canari-magic ceremonies in which the souls of deceased Voodooists are withdrawn from the depths of the water in order that they may evolve metempsychically.

All these ceremonies have reference fundamentally to three vital plans:

(1) OLO-KOU-IN’-WP.: This concerns the Voodooist from the age of 1 to 10 years. This plan is connected with the seminal water (the water that mounts), symbolized by the ritual bath of Danbhalah wedo. The child who belongs to the tradition must be placed under the protection of Legba by means of amulets, scapulars, and philllc- teries: Legba A-Cbo-Gbo or Legba AbOM, who protects him from all evil-doing.

(2) OLO-SIH-SE: This concerns the Voodooist from the age of 10 to 21 years. It is concerned with the "mounting of the ritual water" in the form of Dan Wedo, the serpent painted on the post of Legba. The Voodooist is therefore removed from his position on the nrst plan where he had pronted from the starting ceremonies like the Mette non^ and the nrst Lave Tete, now to be placed under the protection of Legba Se—Cbo-Lih-Sah, who is superior to Legba A-Coo-Coo. This displacement takes place as a Mussement (a raising, or lifting), because the water begins to "rise" in the form of the serpent, beginning with the socle of the post (soh) and going towards the astral light of the star of He (Lih). The houo'sih is therefore thought to go to 1M in search of his soul (se) through the channel of the post (lih-sah). The plan includes the central ceremonies like the can-zo, for these ceremonies involve the knowledge that Bows down from the star, and which later the houo'gan will be seen to confer when he goes to 1M under the conduct of his initiators to take the assaD.

(3) OLO-RUN TI-Tt: This concerns the houn'sih from the age of 21 years until death. It is concerned with Voodoo omniscience relative to the powers of the "water which rises." These powers take the name of Maitresse Erzulie. and enable the initiate to learn the science that causes the water to rise and descend in the form of the serpent of Voodoo-that is to say, to summon the loas ritually and to utilize them as physicians, counsellors, protectors, runners, generals, initiators, magi, sorcerers, and transmutators. The Voodoo initiate is accordingly considered as being "in the wood" of the center-post, and therefore finds himself under the inAuence of Legba-i-Toto-an affectionate name given to the ritual post. When Voodoo initiates die, they find themselves already in Ife. This assimilation teaches why all ancestors- houn'sih, houn'guenicon, la place, mambo houn'gan-return to 1M at their death as powers and as Voodoo loas, since it is in Ife where they have been to take the asson, or the initiatory grades that precede the taking of the asson. This third plan-the master plan-includes essentially the "taking of the asson." It is the plan of the complete initiation from the grades of la place and hou'guenicon to the grades of mambo and of houn'gan.

Invigorating The Gods

On this night great events are about to take place-sacred rites that are performed only once every two years. The most important ghostgods of Voodoo will be called out of the Haitian darkness to mount the bodies of the chosen, and they will be reinvigorated with sacrifices and mysterious rituals to strengthen their powers of granting the prayers of their followers.

The gathering place is the oum'phor, preSided over by Ramise. She has been a mam'bo-an empress of Voodoo-for many years. Her great

powers are known far and wide. Among her guests tonight are many who have traveled great distances to attend,

As night closes in many people mill about in the courtyard, continually coming and going. The horses of distant visitors are tied up near the entrance gate. Vendors of fried food, candy, and wine-and-herb drinks called trempes offer their wares spread out on portable trays. Large trees-the resting places of the ghost-gods-form shadowy masses at the edges of the courtyard. At the foot of the trees candles glow here and there, The low buildings of the oum'phor compound extend into the darkness to the thatched dwellings of Ramise's family and those of other members of her Voodoo Society.

The peristyle of the oum'phor is illuminated by several small kerosene lamps fastened together and hung like chandeliers on either side of the center-post that holds up the gallery's thatched roof. The post has been freshly painted with vivid colors, matching decorations on the walls. These decorations surround a large inscription that reads SocWte La Fleur ce now-We Are the Flower Society. Below this appears the cult name of Ramise-Soutini Lade, Mambo Da-Guinin.

Many houn'gans and mam'bos arrive with their houn'guenicons and houn'sihs, as is the custom. All take their places inside the peristyle on chairs or benches reserved for them.

The ceremony commences about eight o'clock in the evening with the usual opening chants. Three drums of the Rada rite are placed along one side, and behind them the houn'sihs are seated on benches. Legba is greeted with the seven traditional chants sung in his honor by which he is implored to open the barrier of the spirits and to permit the living to communicate with the mysbires. The rest of the loas are then greeted in hierarchic order.

Presently Ramise comes out of the bagui holding a jug of water. She advances to the center of the peristyle, orients the jug, and approaches the drums. She salutes them, as well as the ogan (a musical instrument that is a kind of bell), by sprinkling water three times in front of each. After the M te (genuflecting and kissing the ground). she ^turnsto the center-post and salutes it by sprinkling water three limes as before and kissing it three times.

All the houn'sihs, robed in white and standing in close formation, salute the four cardinal points together with Ramise. They tum around in place, bending their knees in quiet reverence in accordance with the sacred Voodoo greeting.

Voodoo-sih possessed by a loa.

J7J

Dishes for the Marac;a spirits.

Voodoo priestess (mambo).

The Assato drum.

Voodoo drum!

Women tending to the ritual pots.

The black bottle on the Central Post contains liquid used by priests to multiply powers of the spirits.

Ceremonial tray.

Houn'sih blowing the lamb; to call the wind which will take the ship to Aux Ilets (a magic location out at sea).

The ceremonial tray on beach, surrounded by voodoo diagrams and pictures.

The ship of Agoueh en route to Aux IIets, accompanied by the conical drums and a ritual flag.

The sacred white sheep headed lor the ship.

The ceremonial steersman.

Ritual hens and pigeons, before being sacrifiecl into the sea.

The tray of ritual offerings, in the main of the ship.

The sheep, jmt before being saerificed.

The houn'sih placing the tray in the sea.

The sheep as it is being thrown to the sea. The tray capsizing with the sacred dishes.

Voodoo drums before the departure for He. (In the background. the author taking notes.)

Ritual bed made of banana-tree leaves representing He, where drums are symbolically sent to renew their magic powers.

The priest "feeds" the sacred drums to strengthen them.

Then Ramise, turning to the houn'gan Norvilus from whom she long ago "took the asson," hands him the water jug with ritual gestures, and he in turn salutes the mambo. The jug is passed from hand to hand among all the visiting honn'gans and mam'bos. The houo'sihs come forth in pairs, lined up according to their degree of initiation. turn around and kiss the ground before the drums and the center.post. l\cxt, while the honn'gans and mam'bos exchange ritual greetings to the accompaniment of rattling assam, the houo'sihs curtsey in pairs first before Ramise, then before each ranking member of the company. They then turn in a circle upon one another leaning their heads together. The greetings differ according to the hierarchic degree of the member of the society addressed. The mam'bo is saluted three times by eaeh pair of houn'sihs who curtsey before her and kiss the ground. She takes them by the hand, assists them to their feet, and helps them to make three graceful turns. The peristyle becomes a whirl of white dresses-white being de rigueur this evening.

As soon as the chants honoring the loa 5oho are heard, the door of the inner chamber of the oum'phor is flung wide open for the sortie of the flags:

1'apa 5obo Ian hoiimfor;

li m:mde drapeaux. Drapeau cila, eloue. Papa 5obo Ian houmfor;

li mande drapeau loa'm Ian. G drapeau^a, eloue.

Papa 5obo who is in the oum'phor; he asks for the flags.

That flag, eloue.

Papa Sobo who is in the oum'phor; he asks for the flags of that loa.

Gh that flag, eloue.

Immediately the houn'sihs arrange themselves in two rows. From the wide open door come two women in long white dresses, barefoot, each bearing a splendid flag of embroidered velvet with designs worked in pailettes. La place, a long antique sabre in his hand, leads the way. They come out backwards, turning in circles. La place is a young man, tall, slender, and very lithe, and he advances to the almost dance4ike air of the ritual march customarily performed on such occasions. The movements are smooth and easy, without jerks, beginning from the shoulders and continuing down to the knees which bend in cadenee. Mindful of his duty, la place leads the two flag-bearers around the center-post; then slowly at first, but with increasing speed, his sabre pointed and the flags unfurled and waving, he proceeds to salute the drums.

He now returns to the center-post and salutes it "to the four faces." He kisses the post three times, then leads the two Hag-bearing houn- 'sihs over to the mam'bo who, asson and bell in hand, faces la place, who points his sabre towards the ground, and the two flag-bearers standing on either side of him. Nearly the entire length of the peristyle separates them. They kneel before the mam'bo three times in a quick curtsey, with a slight bending of the knees and their hips thrust backwards, to the rattling and tinkling of the asson and the bell which is shaken at each salute. In a quadrille-like figure the group fonns and reforms four times, in such a way that the mam'bo receives the salutation at the four cardinal points. Finally, la place advances alone to the mam'bo and, with one knee on the ground he offers her the sword hilt to kiss, while he in turn kisses the ground. With one hand she assists him to his feet and guides him in making the three ritual turns. The first flag-bearer then comes forward, and with full and gracious movements passes her blue and red silk embroidered flag over Ramise's head. Three times she advances and retires; then advancing on her knees three long paces, she presents the flag to be kissed at the top of the staff, while she herself kisses the ground. She is helped to her feet as la place was, whereupon the second flag-bearer comes forward.

The same ceremonial takes place before each houn'gan and mam'bo present. At length all the houn'sihs are invited to come forward, kneel, and kiss the sabre and the flags.

After the singing of several chants, three houn'gans come out of the inner chamber of the oum'phor advancing backwards and holding their assons. All three are of the same height-tall and slender-and they move with slow steps, their assons rattling incessantly. One of them holds a lighted candle. They give the impression of attracting and draWing towards themselves something which cannot as yet be clearly seen, something there in the darkness of the inner oum'phor which requires the combined power of all three houn'gans to bring it forth. Now the confiance enters the peristyle, his white clothes scarcely visible under all the long strings of multicolored canzo necklaces that he wears about his neck, some crossed over the breast, some hung from the shoulder, others over the ann-a heavy, moving mass of coldsparkling colors. His eyes arc closed; his dark, round face expressionless and held high. He staggers, intoxicated by the mysbires; he turns, reels, jerks, hops backwards on one foot. The asson calls him, insistent; the chants rise louder, breaking into a regular fanfare. Soon he moves

closer to the center-post, the heavy necklaces swinging with his movements and clinking against one another. He collides with the others, stumbles, seeming almost to lose his balance, and performs gyrations impossible to perform in his normal state.

The three houn'gans lead the con6ancc to the center of the peristyle where he falls heavily on his knees. Ramise and Norvilus begin to relieve him of his colorful load of necklaces. When the necklaces are no longer on his shoulders, he regains consciousness and, still dizzy, kisses the ground and gets on his feet.

La place and the Hag-bearers kneel before the mam’bo who hands each houn'sih a necklace and a agouessan, a white cloth band that is passed over one shoulder and knotted at the opposite hip. The agouessans and necklaces are worn crosswise front and back. Each necklace is different from all the others, as its calors must match those identified with its owner's personal loas.

One after the other the houn’sihs kneel and receive their ritual adomments, kiss the ground at the mam'bo's feet, and arise. Once again they all fall into rank near the center-post while the call-to-order chants and the repeated shouts of "Aboba!" resound.

A confiance brings the mambO a white plate containing cornmeal, on top of which reposes an egg. The cornmeal will be used in tracing the veves. In the other hand he holds a lighted candle and a pot of water with which Ramise draws a circle around the center-post and makes a trail of water leading directly to the door of the oum'phor holy of holies.

Having oriented the plate and the candle that she holds with both hands, Ramise pronounces the ritual invocation, raising her arms in a gesture of great reverence, and proceeds to the task of tracing the veve, while appropriate chants are made by the chorus:

O veve, Voudoun ve, Bon Die O1

O vela Kounn tU!. Veta Kounn tiel

Danbhalah Wedo Kounn tie!

A second Yanvalou song directly follows the first:

O miton vcr, Danbhalah Wedo,

O miton ver, Ai-Oa Wedo,

Lada ye, O miton vcr, Lada yeo

The design of the veve is very complex and includes the symbols of many myshires drawn around seven circles, on each of which a zin, or pot, will soon be placed. It occupies nearly all the free space around the center-post. When the veve is completed, seven tiny reed chairs are set in front of the circles indicated for the zins.

A chant calling the hun'sih-canzos is given by the houn'guimicon. Then the houn'sibs proceed to the djevQ, or initiation chamber, where all the necessary accoutrements for the bouie-zin ceremony, which we are witnessing, have been prepared. On the floor of the djevQ, spread out on a layer of leaves, is a straw mat covered with a white cloth. On the mat lie bundles of pine wood, leaves of mombin-franc and lalo- guinin, white china plates (one for each zin), knives, spoons, forks, and spotlessly clean glasses and napkins; likewise a measure of wheat Rour, a large eoui, or calabash dish, full of cornmeal, bottles of olive oil, liqueur, rum, couis of corn grains and roasted peanuts, ground corn, chopped raw food (called the man,ge-dior), a coui containing the aeras-nagos (small cornmeal halls which were prepared before the ceremony), and a plate of acassan (a thick beverage of cornmeal and syrnp). As many chickens as there arc zins lie upon the mat. Usually these are young birds. A pile of large wrought-iron spikes used to make tripods for the clay zins and the iron Nago zin completes the list. In an earlier ceremony, all the zins had been "signed with the cross." The mam'bo, asson and bell in hand, had pronounced the ritual invocations to the principal mysteres of her oum'phor. She had also consecrated the zins by drawing the veves of these mysteres on their sides in chalk, not omitting the milocan-a composite veve for all the mystches. Only the Nago veves are drawn on the cast-iron zin. The pottery zins are designated for the living (zins vivants) or for the dead (zins morts). This evening two zins are reserved for the dead. Around the veves and on the inner sides of the zins numerous small crosses are marked.

When the houn'sihs reach the djevQ they kneel in pairs before a houn'gan or a confiance, who orients and gives them their loads. They kiss the ground and rise. Gradually the cortege fonns, its entrance into the peristyle suggesting a ballet foonation. La place, sabre in hand, opens the way by making three ritual turns on the threshhold. All the houn'sihs make similar turns. A slow wheeling of white dresses brightens the dimness of the peristyle. The flags unfurl, wave and revolve about the mam'bo who approaches majestically, asson and bell in hand. The three houn'gans follow her at a short distance holding the lighted candle and the pot of water. The drums go wild with their beating and booming, the charm bursts into song, while the rattling assons are heard above everything else. Facing the houn'sihs. the

Confiance proceeds backwards with a chicken in each hand, "fanning" them with sweeping movements of his arms. He dances with snake-like contortions leading out the houn'sihs in single file, each of them bearing a particular article of the ritual paraphernalia. Some carry bundles of pinewood stich apron-fashion in their white skirts. Others bear armfuls of mombin branches. Some hold pitcher-shaped, amphora-like bottles. Still others arc loaded with enormous iron spikes, or carry cOlis on their heads, bracing them gracefully with uplifted arms. Large cane baskets are heaped with all the other materials that will be needed for the ceremony. Each zin is entrusted to a houn'sih canzo who carries it with great care.

Chant follows chant in the cool night, while the drums beat and resound in unison. The mambo, surrounded by the flags and escorted by la place, approaches the foot of the center-post. The Confence swings the flapping chickens up and down. He takes several steps, always backwards, while the line of houn'sihs pretends to advance. Three times, in accordance with the old Guinin (African) rite, the cortege must pretend to start, each time retracing its steps, always facing the mambO. At length they all slowly move into the ^ristyle singing. They make a tum about the center-post in a special kind of undulating dance, two steps to the right, two steps to the left.

The houn'gm?nicon, standing at the foot of the center-post. seems inspired, sending one chant after the other. Most of the houn'sihs, more or less "mounted" by their mystcres, come forth with their eyes almost closed, reeling. turning about the veves, yet careful not to step on them and spoil them.

The officiants who are going to "bum the zins" take their places on the small low chairs. The houn'sihs who brought in the ritual materials, one after the other, slowly kneel before the mambo, orient their loads, and place them on the ground. Alongside each of the places in the vcve deSignated by a circle a zin is placed together with its proper ritual materials. The bundles of pinew^ood and mombin leaves are heaped at the base of the socle.

The prayers are about to begin. The seven houn'gans and mambOs, each of whom will shortly be in charge of burning a zin, are seated on the small chairs holding their assam. The dancing has stopped, and all around them the houn'sihs make a circle, sitting on their heels or upon mats, kneeling or squatting, forming a mass of white dresses that press close upon the ritual designs traced on the bare ground. Bowing her head and covering her eyes with one hand, Ramise begins the prayers amid deep silence.

First come Roman Catholic prayers, then hymns intoned in a nasal voice, and finally the Voodoo prayer commences. The Sinnd'jUj are reeled off onc after the other, interrupted only by the ritual cry "Liss adole Zo, et '1.0, et lo!" commencing loud and growing gradually weaker, ending with

He ya Grand Perc Eternel, sinn djiO e,

He ya Grand Pere eternel, sinn dji6 docor akoue,

He ya Grand Pere cternel, sinn nan min bon Dieu ho sinn han.

He ya Marassas Guinin, sinn djiO e,

He ya Legba Attibon, sinn djiO e.

All the names of the Guinin (African) mysteres are recited one after the other in fixed order, and always at rhythmic intervals the refrain:

Ape Lissabagui ouangan scie Lissa dole '1.0,

Lissa dole Zo, et Zo, et Zo, et Zo . . .

to which the houn'sihs respond:

, Zo, , Zo, , Zo.

When the name of a mystere particularly honored in the oum'phor is mentioned, all the houn'sihs are obliged to kiss the ground. At length the pribe Guinin (African prayer) proper begins. Long psalmlike chants are intoned by the mam'bo. Lead by the houn'guenicon, the houn'sihs give the responses in ringing tones that contrast with the subdued voice of Ramise. Occasionally the rattle of the asson is heard along with the chanting. The prayers continue a long time. Then comes the chant:

Moin yenvalou yenva, moin yenva, O corani yeo

The prayers finished, Ramise and all the others rise. Taking a jug of water she devoutly raises and orients it to the four cardinal points, pronouncing the ritual invocation. All the houn'sihs tum as one to the point saluted, and, keeping their places, repeat the gesture of salutation by slightly bending their knees. An extraordinarily solemn dignity lends the scene a profoundly religious significance. The houn'guenicon givcs the prescribed chant:

O Miguel O, Mayofre, Miguel O eha Mayofre,

O Mayofn6, Legba Atibon, O Mayofre, Loco Atisou,

O Mayofre, Grande Aizan VeIekete. O Miguelo, O Mayofre

The chant finished, the houn'sihs begin their dance again around the center-post under the leadership of the la Place and the flagbearers. Sometimes the direction of the dance is changed: a certain number of turns arc "given" to the right, a few to the left. The houn'gans and mam'bos arc seated in their places, each assisted by a kneeling houn'sih canLo. All are barefoot in accordance with the Guinin ritual. Each houn'gan pours a little water, wine, syrup, a few grains of corn, peanuts, and hits of a biscuit in a glass that is placed next to a small candle. At this instant the chant rings out:

Ah e plante j poteau 6! Legba plante i poteau e . . .

Each houn'gan takes onc of the three spikes lying at his side, orients it, and hammers it into the ground with a rock. The three spikes are set in such a way as to form a tripod for the 7oin, called the pieds-zin or poteaux-zjns. The houn'gan then receives them by orienting and pouring three times in the center of the tripod a hit of the mixture contained in the glass. The candle is lighted and likewise placed exactly in the center. These preparations are all made simultaneously by the seven houn'gans and mam'bos in front of the zins, which arc then placed upon their supports. The officiants must set them on the spikes using only their bare feet. The pinewood sticks are taken up in bundles of seven, oriented, and ignited from the candle flame,

The houn'sihs continue the dance dose behind one another, often with their hands placed upon the shoulders of the person in front, singing and swaying, and accentuating the rhythm in a kind of African-like quick-step march. The special songs for Legba follow immediately. A lighted pinewood stick is handed to each houn'sih as she passes.

The magic round continues. The flaming sticks form a luminous crown above the dancers who circle faster and faster. The smell of the pine pitch exuding from the burning sticks mingles with that of the ritual herbs. Intermittent flashes of light from these dozens of impro. vised torches give the perisyle a bizarre illumination. Eyes, teeth, and necklaces flash in the darkness.

The houn'sihs now return the pinewood sticks to the officiants who orient and slip them under the zins. A little water is poured into each, then some olive oil, syrup, and wine, and if the zins are zins vivants (zins for the living), a few grains of salt are added. The houn'guenicon begins a new chant:

He a Koklo a dimi ye, Papa Legba yan ouezo a an ouezo . ..

Each houn'gan takes the young chicken at his side, orients and crosses it, gives it a few grains of com to peck at, and then kills it. Some of the mam'bos break the wings and feet of the bird and force open the beak to obtain a little blood with which to stick the feathers plucked from the crop 011 the "four faces" of the zin. However, many houn'gans claim that this act is not essential to the ritual. The birds are killed, in accordance with the African rite, by twisting the neck (cou t.n?), that is to say, the neck is wrung and the head torn off by a quick twist of the hand. The bodies of the chickens are then handed to the assisting houn'sih canzo. In a moment they are drawn, plucked, cleaned, singed, cut in half, washed with sour oranges, and handed back to the houn'gans and mam’Os. They are then passed over the zins, cut into several pieces, and put in the zins to cook. Meanwhile, the feathers are tied in little bunches that resemble small bouquets of flowers or shaving brushes, and then are placed to one side. These will later be used for greasing the :t:ins.

The houn'sihs continue all the while to dance around the veves, Around and around they go. Some, drunk with the loas, are staggering and tottering, but swept along by the movement of the dance they continue without losing their places. It is exceptional, however, to see anyone completely possessed during this part of the ceremony. The drums beat madly with intennittent clinking of the ogan heard in the background,

When the chicken has been cooked, each of the houn'gans mixes oil and red wine in a white plate. He then calls several houn'sih canzos to his side. one at a time. He makes them dip their hands into the mixture and take a piece of chicken from the bottom of the zin. Three times the piece is placed upon the mombin leaves before being left there. When the last piece has been withdrawn, some ground cornmeal is placed in the zin, stirred well, and cooked in the same^ water as the chicken.

In the case of the Nago zin, the first part of the ceremony is exactly the same as for the other zins except that no chicken is required. Instead, little halls of cornmeal, called acras Nago, are prepared in advance. They arc cooked in the Nago zin. Then they are removed with the same ceremony as the pieces of chicken, and placed in a coui (half calabash) or on a white plate.

When the cornmeal mush in the zins has become fairly thick, the houn'gan calls each houn'sih canzo from the dance. One by one they kneel at his side, Each dips a hand into the mixture of oil and wine,

and then with an arm held by the houo'gan like a long wooden spoon, scoops up a bit of the boiling hot cornmeal. She orients this, presses it in the palm of her hand to form a ball, and places it upon the rnombin leaves. She then kisses the ground, rises, and moves aside for the next houn'sih. This ritual is called utoutou. When no more cornmeal remains, the z.in, hot as it is, is removed from its tripod with the soles of the bare feet held against its sides. The Nago zin is removed in the same manner. Although no special precautions are taken there is never any evidence of the skin of the feet being burned.

During the entire length of this prolonged ceremony the houn'sihs never cease to "run around the :lins" (courir les zins), sometimes in one direction, sometimes in the other, lead by la place and the flag bearers. The singing continues uninterrupted, each song pertaining to the ritual and corresponding to a particular action:

M'pr'al boule go zin pou Loa Alouba.

rm going to boil a big zinc for Loa Alouba.

I shall be hailing a big zin, this big zin, Dan Ballah Oueddo's big zin.

Ma pr'al boule go zin, go zin ;a, go zin Dan Ballah Oueddo.

At times the zins and their attendants seem to be enclosed by a veritable white moving wall. There are so many houn'sihs that they move jam-packed against onc another, keeping time with their feet when movement is impeded, and bounding wildly forward as the la place leads them on. Their bare feet strike the ground with a dun, rhythmic, obsessive beat.

The zins are removed from their tripods, scraped clean of the last vestige of corn with a wooden spoon, and smeared with olive oil by means of the small feather brushes. This done, they are replaced, again with the bare feet, on the three supporting spikes. A little more oil is again poured in each of them and more pine wood is placed underneath to make a hot fire. Everyone must now wait until the zins catch fire from the oil inside them.

The chanting redoubles its intensity. A kind of excitement increasing by the minute seizes the crowd. The houn'gans and mam'bos get up and move aside as the heat becomes intense around the small fires. The ground is brushed clean around each fire. The pine wood burns brightly beneath the zins which stand out black in the midst of the orange flames licking them on all sides. Houn'gans and mambos all shake their assons over the zins while uttering the ritual words. The incantations continue. At length a zin bursts into flames. "A hohol A hobof cries the enthusiastic crowd. All the houn'sihs fall on their knees and kiss the ground, singing;

Go zin moin ap' prend My zin is catching di feu. Ai-hobol nre. Ai-hoho!

One, two, three zins ignite. Other lamps are extinguished, and the Hames alone light the peristyle, wildly and fantastically. The heat is suffocating, but the houn'gans and mam'bos continue their work without noticing it. "A hobo!” The dance circles faster and faster, lead by la place and the flag bearers, wheeling, turning, revolving. "A bobof Loas "mount" several of the women. They stumble and stagger, hut keep right on dancing. A houn'gan steps out of the crowd, rattling his asson and bell, and speaking words to prevent the possessions from becoming complete. Several houn'sihs kiss the ground, get up with difficulty, and still completely dazed take their places again in the dance.

Ramise, aided by several confences, makes her way to the inner oum'phor. She comes out carrying a "dressed up" govi in each ann. Slowly she bends down and passes them one after the other through the flames, then the other govis, pot-de-tlUes, necklaces, and paquets. All the pottery zins are now on nre, and the houn'sihs remove the pine sticks from under them. They burn from their own fuel, little pots blackened and crowned with flames. Scattered on the ground, bits of hot charcoal glow red. The Nago zin has not been scraped clean like the others, and is the only one that has not caught fire. The houn'gaD in charge of it comes and shakes his asson and bell over it. His somber face glows in the light of the burning coals, and a look of intense concentration is read in his set features as he utters the invocation in a low voice. Now the Nago zin bursts into flame. The houn'sihs kiss the earth, rise, and immediately give the chant in Nago rhythm. The drums beat madly.

Tolisha Legba m'di ye, a hi massah i toto, Salue Nago yet Salue Nago. Negue Nago Royor. Ago Tolisha. salue Nago. yel

Ramisc quickly passes the govis and the other objects through the flames of the Nago zin, then takes a bottle of rum and pours a fair amount of it into the zin. Immediately a huge flame leaps up licking about the roof beams in a dazzling light. Ramise sprays the rum from her mouth to the four cardinal points. The possessions now commence in great numbers. Ncariy all the hoiin’sihs ate "mounted," The eyes dazzled by the blazing fires can hardly distinguish the loas moving about in all directions. Some ate dancing a frenzied Nago rhythm, for the drums are never still; others roll on the ground and are helped up by one or another of the houn'gans or mam'bos. Fantastic shadows play upon the walls of the enelosure. Some of the houn'sihs in quick succession kiss the veves; others crowd around Ramise. now possessed by the loa Ogou 8adagri. The rest are still dancing, screaming out the Nago songs lead off by the hoiin'guenicon who stands near the drummers:

Eh. liki liki eh;

Jean-Paul Nago; ya ye!

Liki. liki eh. agoi! Chalode, Liki liki o, o Nago ya;

Ogon Ashade!

When things get a little quieter and the loas have taken their leave, the mambo gives the signal to pass the left hand and the left foot through the last Barnes of the zins. This ritual is known as the Dessounin.

When all the zins have burned out, they are removed, as before, with the bare feet. Then the spikes are pulled up, and all the ritual accessories are diligently gathered by the hoiin’sihs. The various foods are separated, and those that belong to the zins vivants (zins for the living), such as the chickens and the balls of cornmeal (the aeTas Na{!,o), are divided among the members of the Society. The food cooked in the zins morts (zins for the dead) is set aside in a colli. All the ceremonial dehris-momhin leaves, cold embers, charred pinewood, feathers. and leftovers in general-are collected. The place where the zin mort stood is carefully cleaned, because this is where the hole is to be dug. The zins vivants are placed in the reposoir of Legba, that is to say, at the courtyard gate, while the Nago zin is returned to the Dum'phor holy of holies.

In the cleared place a very simple veve is traced with ground com- meal. It takes the form of a circle circumscribing a cross. A man comes forth carrying a pince-a long, pointed iron bar-which he uses to dig a hole within the area of the crossed circle, around the sides of which the dirt is piled evenly. When the hole is sufficiently deep. the sign of the cross is made over it with flour, and water is sprinkled into it together with grains of corn, peanuts, liqueur, and clairin. The food to be buried is now brought, carefully wrapped in a white napkin used in the service of the zin mort. The packet of food is then placed upon mombin leaves in the bottom of the hole.

The zins morts are broken with one of the spikes, and the pieces, together with those of the glass and the plate. are thrown into the hole. Finally, the wooden spoon and all the floor sweepings are also collected and dumped in. The houn'sihs kneel in a circle, and all together push back the dirt and fill up the hole. When this work is finished, they rise and fonn a circle around the hole, each houn'sih placing her hands on the shoulders of the houn'sih in front of her. With the left foot with which they begin a swaying movement forwards and backwards, they stamp the ground smooth, giving out at thc same time a song with a special rhythm:

Dia rete Dia Dia keke, ke, ke dial Diarele dial

CuMe Nibo! Dia ke ke, ke ke dial

Baron Samedi! Dia ke ke, ke ke dial

These wild, hammering, obsessive sounds accompany the beating of bare feet upon the ground. In a moment the Guedes-the loas of the cemetery-begin to possess the houn'sihs. All of them are here: Guede Nibo. CuMe N'ouvavou, Cuede HounSoii, Cuede Tiouaoue. Without breaking the rhythm the Cuedes join in beating the ground with the others. All in the dance become "mounted." The Cuedes place themselves in two lines facing each other, and, still holding each other by the shoulders. beat the soles of the left feet upon the ground to accentuate the "Dia keke dia!" The "dias" ring out in time to reinforce the hammering of the feet.

When the ground is duly smoothed, Ramise traces a veve over the covered hole with ground cornmeal, and in the center of this design places a lighted candle alongside a plate called 'The Adoration." Various people come forth and place small coins upon it to hi’ used for charity the follOWing day.

One by one the Cuedes take their leave. The I’j’n’nionY h i"';ii1\ ended. The necklaces of the houn'sihs are taken from the kneeling women with the same rituals employed at their distribution, except that the person aSSigned the duty of carrying them to the inner cum'phor does so in an unobtrusive manner. Next, the flags must also be returned to the cum'phor. The mam'bo is again given the ritual salutation at the four cardinal points, whereupon she chants the song:

O Coli ye, goli ye,

Qua Po.drapeau, goli ye

O Golimin goli ye Qua goli yc

Qua O Po-drapeau.

O Po-drapeaul Po drapeau, ban moin Ian main pour m'level O Coli ye Qua, goli ye, aua O Po-drapeau.

This lively song accompanies 1a place and the two flag-bearers as they circle the center-post, turning, whirling about, dancing, spinning around many. many times, first to the right, then to the left. The flags unfurl and 8ap in the wind as the houn'sihs bound in their dance. and the bright sparkle of the paillettes clashes with the quick gleam of the painted sabre. At last la place signals that the dance is over. The doors of the inner oum'phor arc opened, and he darts ahead, sabre forward, the 8ags following his lead-a mere feint. Three times he must approach the doorsill before finally turning around and entering the oum'phor backwards. The doors are immediately closed on the procession.

It is nearly dawn, but under the peristyle the dance continues. for all the mysteres must be greeted before the lights can be extinguished.

In all the oum'phors in the region of Port-au-Prince and the Cul.de. Sac Plain, it is customary to celebrate such a houie-zins caille ceremony as we have witnessed at more or less infrequent intervals for the purpose of "warming up" the mysteres served in the oum'phor-in other words to give them increased power to be utilized for the benefit of those in whose name the zim are burned. This ceremony may be celebrated every year on the occasion of a General Service; otherwise every three, five, or seven years. In other parts of Haiti, for example in the north and the northwest. it is completely unknown.

The ritual may vary from one Society to another in matters of detail or in accordance with the loas served in the oum'phor. The zim arc small clay or cast iron cooking pots (the latter smaller than the former). Their true, secret name is Dtuln::;n, and each rite has its own particular zin: the Rada zin is of pottery, as are also the Congo and the Ibo zins (on the "point" of Rada). The Nago zin. however, as also the Pethro. is of cast iron, is somewhat smaller than the Rada type. and usually has three small, high legs.

Ramise has been a mam'bo for many years. Her Dum'phor, a rather important one, is located in the Cul-dc-Sac Plain. At the beginning of the General Service which she celebrates every two years, she is accustomed to hold the boule-zins caille in honor of all the loas of her aum'phor. For this occasion she invites several other Societies who come sometimes from great distances to be with her when she fulfills her obligations.

Sacrificing A Bull For The Simbi

The service about to be described took place in a large oum'phor located in Haite's Cul-de-Sac Plain. Kumcrous small, one or two room thatched huts-dwellings of the pitit caille or members of the Voodoo Society-are scattered about the vast area surrounding the oum'phor. Here, many ancient trees, chiefly mahogany and mango, furnish oases of coolness, a pleasant refuge from the burning heat of the harsh September sun. Most of the trees arc reposoirs of Voodoo loas. Round about, fields of sugar cane nod in the breeze. The air is bracing-this is the open country.

The great peristyle is located in the middle of the yard facing the Rada inner oum'phor. The Pethro and Congo holy of holies are a little farther removed and off to one side, and in front of them stands another peristyle; somewhat smaller than the first, but equally ornate inside. Here the service for Simbi is about to be celebrated. Dieucifor, houn'gan and chief of the Society, is engaged in last-minute preparations, surrounded by a bevy of houn'sihs, all of them barefoot and dressed in white and wearing large foulards tied around their heads Mostly they are dark-skinned country women, sturdy and strong, with supple limbs and laughing eyes.

The dirt 8oor of the peristyle has been carefully swept and sprinkled. Dieucifor approaches the center-post, orients a jug of water, pours a few drops three times in front of the post, and then traces a very large veve on the ground completely encircling it. The tracing is made with several kinds of flour and assorted powders—cornmeal, ashes, coffee-grounds. brick dust, powdered bark and roots-while the veve itself comprises the various symbols of the mysteres to whom the food is to be offered. The escorts of these loas are also to be invited.

Inasmuch as a bull will be sac-rifled. a symbolic representation of a bull is included in the veve along with symbols of Simbi, Grand Bois, Maitre Calfou, and several more loas. In the inner cum'phor, in front of the re, a large hole is dug around which another and simpler veve is traced. Over the hole stands a table covered with a white cloth.

The table is spread with food and various kinds of desserts--cakes, candies, pastries, custards, chocolate, and rice pudding-as well as bottles of syrup, cola, liqueurs, rum, and clairin. All this is for the mysteres who will appear. The cooked food will also be served on this table. When the table is cleared, all thc food not consumed by the loas is placed in the hole. The choicest portions are, of course, saved, and most of it is given to the houn'gan's family and to the other members of the Society.

About ten o'clock in the morning the ogan clangs in the yard summoning the houn'sihs to the peristyle. They all hurry to enter, and seat themselves on benches and chairs around the central area. Two drummers are in their places, each holding a Pethro drum between his legs. The houn'sihs who fonn the chorus are grouped around them. The houn'guenicon comes out of the group and entones the opening chant, which is taken up by the chorus. The drums begin the Pethro beat:

Honneur la maison! (ter) Honneiir \1aitresse caillc main. M'crie: Honneur la maison!

Messieurs et Dames, bonsoir.

Greetings to the house! (3 times) Greetings to the lady of my house. I cry: Greetings to the house!

Gentlemen and ladies, good evening.

A confence unfastens the great ceremonial whip from the centerpost, and, going outside, cracks it furiously in ritual fashion. The whipcracking is punctuated by strident blasts of a whistle. A houn'sih comes out of the inner oum'phor with a jug of water and a lighted candle, followed by a few more carrying coiiis, glass tumblers, and bottles. A salutation is given and all the articles are set down beside the center-post. One of the painted couis contains the manger djior (a mixture of corn and roasted peanuts), and another holds a wide assortment of bread, cassava, molasses-cakes, biscuits, and pastries. A large glass is filled with cau Guinin, a mixture of food and water. Other small containers hold custards, chocolate. coffee, and cane syrup. Next to these are bottles of syrup, cola. liqueur, cum, ciairin, and finally a bottle of kimanga wrapped in green cloth trimmed in red.

The sacrificial animals have been carefully bathed in a solution of leaves and lotion, then dried, and curried for a long time. At the moment of their entrance into the peristyle they are sprinkled with per. fume. The young black bull is draped with a red and white mantle decorated with red ribbons. A foulard of fiery satin is tied around the horns. Two male goats, tan and yellow with black spots, wear cover ings made of strips of doth sewn together-each a different hue, for eaeh loa has its characteristic color, although the color of any given loa may vary in ac<.:ordance with the "point" upon which it is "served." One of the coverings is yellow and rose, trimmed in blue; the other is yellow, red, and green. One goat wears a white satin fotb lard on its horns, the other a foulard of red satin. The goats are held on leashes, but the biill, somewhat too obstreperous, must be tied to a firm post in the peristyle. The houn'sihs carry un imposing number of roosters and hens with which they have been entrusted. The houn'- gucnicon starts the second introductory chant:

Legba man hounfor main. (ter) Ou minm' qui pote drapeau, eEl au minm' gu'a pare solei] pou main.

Papa Legba man hounfor moin. (ter) '

Ou minm' qui pote drapeau, ee au minm' gu'a pare soleil pou loa yo.

Legba, who is in my oum'phor.

(3 times)

You who carry the flag,

It is you who will protect me from the sull.

Papa Legha, who is in my oum'phor. (3 times)

You who carry the flag,

It is you who will protect the loas from the sun.

Dieucifor comes in and consecrates the vcve by shaking his asson over its various parts while pronouncing the ritual formulas. The jug of water is presented to him with the customary salutations. He orients it and pours out a few drops three times on all sides of the veve. The chanting continues, greeting the rethro and the Congo loas, while the drums alter their rhythms to give the appropriate accompaniments. The houn'sihs, keeping their places, sway to the music. La place comes out of the inner oum'phor leading two houn'sibs who carry the spangled. embroidered and goldfringed flags that flap and sparkle as they are rapidly waved from side to side. Approaching the center-post, la place and the Bag-bearers salute the four cardinal points, then turn towards Dieucifor who faces them, holding the asson and bell. The houn'gan and the Bag-bearers salute the four "fac;ades," after which Dieucifor makes la place and the houn'sihs Qirer (make the ritual turns) and kiss the sword and the flags three times. The visiting houn'gans and mam'bos are greeted by means of the same ceremony.

The houn'gan seats himself on a low chaiT that someone has just placed before the veve, and two mambos take their places on either side of him. The prayer begins in the customary fashion, folloWing the Roman Catholic ritual. Then come the hymns, the litanies, and the priere Dijor, which enumerates at great length the names of all the loas. The houn'sihs, deep in meditation, and kneeling or squatting around the veve, devoutly kiss the ground whenever the houn'gan calls out the names of the mystere, particularly those who are especially honored in this oum'phor. The priere Guinin includes only the Pethro and the Congo mysteres, for the Rada mysteres were greeted during the course of previolls services.

The prayers continue for more than an hour and a half. At the final chant Dieucifor arises, takes the water-jug and the lighted candle, and solemnly orients them to the four cardinal points. All the members of the Society stand and go through the same gestures. The houn'gan casts water on the four sides of the center-post, which he then kisses three times.

For the consecration of the veve, Dieucifor takes successively the various couis and other containers that are presented to him by a houn'sih with the prescribed salutations. In deep meditation he orients them, all the while pronouncing the invocations. He then kneels and places on various parts of the veve little piles of the grain and the different foods, to which he adds a bit of the contents of each bottle.

The chants resound once more in the peristyle:

Saluez moin Gangan, saluez moin.

A Apo Legba, saluez moin, Gangan, saluez.

Papa m'ce pitit' Boucan Maza;

Salute me, Holln'gan, salute me.

A Apo Legba, salute me, Honn'gan, salute.

My father is the child of Boucan Maza;

Papa m'ce pitit' Brise Montagne. Due, saluez moin, saluez moin 0; Papa m'ce pHit' Silamoyo.

Recitative:

My father is the child of Brise Montagne.

Yes, salute me, oh salute me;

My father is the child of Silamoyo.

Quil Saluez moin, Brise Montagne,

Craze-Ies-os, Craze-Ies-membres, Neg' Kassa Bamhila, Bila Congo, Bila Louvemba;

Saluez moin, Gangan.

Yes, Salute me, Brise Montagne, Break-bones, Break-limbs, Neg' Kassa Bambila, Bila Congo, Bila Louvemba;

Salute me, Houn'gan.

Little piles of gunpowder are finally placed upon the veve. A con- fiance brings a firebrand from the ritual fireplace out in the yard. Orienting the firebrand, Dieucifor makes the sign of the cross with it before the face of each houn'sih, then touches and ignites each pile of gunpowder with it. The glowing firebrand is extinguished with water while the whole assemblage cries out: "Adjioh!"

Caille main, senti foulah, O Toutou Bilango.

Macaya, m'senti foulah. Trois feuilles, Trois points, m'senti foulah!

Toutou Bilango. Caille 0, O caille 0, caille moin senti foulah, Toutou Bilangol

My house feels the spray, Dh Toutou Bilango. Macaya, I feel the spray. Three leaves, Three points, I feel the spray!

Toutou Bilango.

Dh house, Dh house, Dh, My house feels the spay, Toutou Bilangol

A confiance brings the houn'gan the bottle of kimanga. In accordance with the Pethro ritual, the confiance holds it in his right hand and rapidly moves it at chest level to the left, to the right, and back again to the left. He then presents it directly to the houn'gan who quickly grasps it. However, it is not immediately released to him. Held by the two men, the bottle is moved upwards and from side to side until finally the confiance suddenly lets go of it; whereupon the houn'gan raises it over his head and everybody cries out: "Adjioh'' Still standing before the center’post, Dieucifor solemnly and slowly "vaporizes" the liquiq contained in the bottle to the four cardinal points, blowing it across his bent forearm. More cries of "Adjioh! Adjioh man'" All the houn'sihs, standing, turn in unison toward the four "fa'iades" and curtsey gracefully. Dieucifor turns towards the drums and "vaporizes." He does the same a moment later before the veve. Then, turning around, Dieucifor "vaporizes" three times in succession across each arm bent at the elbow. The "vaporized" kimanga is referred to as kimon.

The houn'sihs who hold the roosters and hens prepared for the sacrifice come forward. Dieucifor, summoning to his side two or three mam'bos, selects and distributes to each a rooster and a hen of matched plumage. In a harmonious, combined movement they elevate and present the birds to the four cardinal points, at the same time pronouncing the formula of orientation in subdued voices. This offertory gesture is made very slowly, and the dignity of the ceremonial is enhanced by the pure whiteness of the houn'sihs' dresses.

Dieucifor and the mam'bos, at first kneeling and holding the chickens in their hands, rise and proceed to place them, one after the other, before the piles of food that adorn certain areas of the veve. As a rule, the chickens do not hesitate to peck at it. Dieucifor kneels near the center-post. Each mambO comes and carefully passes the hens over him-from head to foot, back, face, and sides. Each completes this ritual by striking him three times on the chest with the chicken. The ritual is repeated over each person participating in the service. The hOun'gan begins a chant to summon the myshhes. The names are called of all the loas, particularly the Simbis, loas especially important in the Congo and the Pethro rites. At each name the chorus responds in a subdued voice; "Batala 00 BatakJ'"

Houn’gan:

Chittorus:

Ian Pong'oue Batala 00 Batala Batala 00 Batala Batala 00 Batala Batala 00 Batala

Batalua 00 Batala, be

Simbi Yandezo

Simbi Congo

Simbi Van Paka He Ian Pong'oue!

Simbi Van Kita (Other names follow, each answered by the chorus.)

The pairs of roosters and chickens are crossed with water and with flour. Some of the manger djior and a few drops of liqueur are put on their backs. Dieucifor then "vaporizes" for the last time, and facing the center-post and the inner oum'phor, slowly elevates the first rooster holding it away at ann's length. With quick strokes he breaks the wings and the feet as he pronounces the ritual fonnulas. Entering the Fethro inner temple he rips out the tongue and, using blood from the wound. sticks a few of the e-rop feathers upon various parts of the pe. Returning to the peristyle, he likewise sticks feathers upon the center-post and the veve. Meanwhile, one of the mambos has broken the wings and feet of the hen previously paired with the rooster by striking it against the center-post. All the houn'sihs fall on their knees as the two chickens are dispatched with a knife. The spurting blood from the cut throats is colleeted in a plate that is promptly placed at the base of the center-post. The singing resounds with even greater force. The bodies of the sacrificed chickens flap about on the bloodstained ground, and, quiet at last, are placed side by side with their heads upon the veves of the particular loas to whom they have been offered as sacrifices. Another rooster and chicken are now presented for the Marassa Fethro loas while the chanting continues:

Marassas Simbi, Simbi Marassas.

m'engage dans pays-a. I am involved with this country.

Marassas Guinin, Marassas la African Marassas, Coastal Maras-

COte,  sas,

Marassas l'Afrique, African Marassas,

n'engage Ian pays-a! I am involved with this country.

The second pair of chickens, like the first pair, are placed upon the veve of the peristyle and encouraged to peck at the food offerings. Then they are removed to the veve in the inner oum'phor of Simbi where the whole perfonnance is repeated. They are likewise passed over the body of the houn'gan and over all those present, consecrated, and finally sacrificed, This time, however, after the wings and legs have been broken and the tongue tom out, their necks are wrung. The remaining score of roosters and hens are simultaneously sacrificed.

All the houn'gans and mambos rise, holding the different colored chickens entrusted to them. These chickens are ritually oriented with all the dignity customarily observed on such occasions. The officiants move their lips in the sacred prayers. The four cardinal points are saluted, and the feet and wings of the birds are broken before the final sacrifice. Feathers fly in all directions over the veves as the chickens flap about, twitching and somersaulting until they expire.

In accordance with the ritual of the various loas in the train of

Simbi who are served nowadays, the throats of the chickens are usually cut with a knife rather than wrung. The first drops of hood are spilled on the veves. and the rest is collected in a dish. Each time the chickens are placed upon the vtwe of the mystere to whom the sacrifice is dedicated.

A woman about fifty years of age suddenly jumps backwards. The mystere Brise has just "descended into her head."’ The possessed woman rises at once and proceeds over to the chickens just sacrificed. All the houn'sihs, on their knees now, wait to be raised to their feet by the mystere, whirled around, and given the PethTO salute. This type of greeting is given by gently striking the elbows three times while the arms are three-quarters bent. Brise sways and gives the impression of dancing, uttering from time to time his customary cry: "Gueguegue.!"’ He grinds his teeth and staggers as though drained of all energy.

When the goats are lead in, the cracking of whips and the sharp blasts of the whistle grow louder outside. The drum beat louder and the singing becomes more intense. The tawny, black-spotted goat is the flrst to be brought to the foot of the ('enter-post. Its flne silk mantle is a rich adornment, and the red satin bows on its horns contrast vividly with the houn'sihs' white dresses. A large cross is traced on the goat's back, flrst with flour, next with water from the jug, and then with the "Guinea" water from the glass tumbler. Likewise a little of each pile of food and of each beverage is placed on its back, after which the containers (glasses or couis) are oriented. Next, a handful of zerb Guinin (Guinea grass) is handed to the houn'gan, which he receives and orients as he pronounces the ritual fonnula. He then goes to the goat, kneels before it, makes the sign of the cross, strikes each side of its head three times, grasps it by the horns, butts his own forehead three times against the goat's head, and rises. Every person in attendance comes up in hierarchic order and kneels before the goat, whose only interest during the proceedings is in chewing a few blades of the Guinea grass.

A little "Cuinea water" is poured into a coui and presented to the goat. He drinks. Dieucifor takes the bottle of kimanga and sprays the goat "to the four facades." The leash and mantle are removed. Two strong assistants seize the goat, one by the horns, the other by the hind legs. They swing it back and forth three times, raise it off the ground three times, swing it again three times towards the four cardinal points, present it flrst before the entrance of the Pethro and the Congo inner oum'phor, and finally before the center-post. Some of the houn'sibs form a cortege behind the goat under the direction of la place and the flag-bearers. They circle the post several times in accordance with the ritual, flrst in one direction and then in the other, while the attendants continue to swing the goat from side to side. Singers and drummers go wild:

Koumba cabrite telekou e.

Koumba, koumba cabrite, telekiou e, cabrite teIekou . . .

With a qUick movement the goat is thrown on its back and a cross is traced on its body with a sharp knife held by a confiance. Its testicles are qUickly severed and squeezed lightly until a few drops of blood trickle out upon the veve and in the interior of the bagui. Still held with its feet in the air, the goat is slain with knife thrust in its neck (the knife having previously been oriented). Blood gushes forth into a large wooden basin reserved for this purpose, into which salt and alcohol had already been placed. The goat is held in the air until only a slight trickle of blood remains. It is then laid on the ground.

The other goat is consecrated and sacriflced in exactly the same way as the flrst, the ceremony being repeated right up through the final sacrifice. Then a new chant begins:

Toute famille a yo semble.

La famille semble.

He, creoles, 6 nous la.

Ago ye!

La famille semble,

Nan point Guinin enc6.

The whole family is assembled.

The family as assembled.

Hey, Creoles, Oh, here we are.

Ago ye!

The family is assembled.

Africa no longer exists.

The bodies of the goats, together with the severed testicles, are placed upon the veve. The sign of the cross is made over them as well as over the heap of dead chickens. A white plate upon which a cross has been graced with Sour is placed over them. This is for the "adoration" ceremony to which all those present are now invited in the worrl9 of the follOWing song:

Vin payer sangi Come and pay for the bloodi

ceremonie-a belle 6. the ceremony is beautiful.

La famille vin prayer sang, nonl

Ceremonie-a belle O.

O Aayo,

la famille vin prayer sang!

The family comes to pay for the blood.

The ceremony is beautiful.

Oh Aayo, the family comes to pay for the blood1

Dieucifer comes and kneels before the veve holding money in each hand. He speaks at great length with the mysteres before placing the money in the plate, 6rst with the right hand, then with the left, as with firm conviction he makes his "demand,"

The bodies of all the sacrificed animals are picked up and removed by the houn'sihs who are to prepare them according to ritual practice. The soiled ground is swept, and all the sweepings are carefully col. lected in a coui and taken away.

The sacrifice of the bull is next. The bull is tied to a post in the peristyle a little to one side. The central area is enlarged by making the people move back their chairs, thus leaving more space around the bull. Dieucifor prepares to consecrate the animal according to ritual, but it is not easy to keep it in check. Only with difficulty does he hold in place the mantle, which has a tendency to slip off on one side because nobody dares get close enough to adjust it. The houn'gan presents the bull with the coui containing the "Guinea water." When the bull has tasted it, the houngan offers a handful of "Guinea grass." Placing himself in front of the bull he speaks to it at some length, then holds out some stalks to it. Chant succeeds chant without a break, while the houn'sihs dance in their places or simply sway back and forth.

Simbi Ian b^nere; z'aut' poco connin moin. Ala nous rive nous pr'alle gate coumande. Yel Simbi Yandezo, Ian Paka Pong'ouel M'di: Yel Kim'boi salayl Salam a salay!

Simbi Ian b^nere; z'aut' ^o connin moin.

Simbi is at the gate; the others do not yet know me. Well, we have arrived;

we are going to disregard the order, Yehl Simbi Yandezo, Ian Paka Pong'ouel

I say: Yehl Kim'boi salay!

Salam a salay!

Simbi is at the gate; the others do not yet know me.

The bull is consecrated.

Dieucifor stands beside the animal and

draws crosses down the entire length of its back with water from the jug, with flour, and with the manger djior and other food offerings. The nervous animal rears up unexpectedly from time to time as he feels the syrup or the cola trickling over his head and 8anks. The chants grow louder and louder:

Zo, Aide Zo, tabatie'm tombej cOte m'a joinn' Ii? Zo, Aide Zo. (ter) Quil Q Kim'boi rna salay! Simbi Yan Paka! Simbi Ian Dezo!

Qui! Simbi Ian Kita!

Grande Adjiakonver, Grande Simbal

Zo, Aide Zo, my snuff-box falls down; where shall I find it?

Zo, Aide ZOo (three times) Yes, Oh Kim'boi rna salayl Simbi Yan Pakal Simbi Ian

Dezo!

Yes, Simbi Ian Kita!

Grande Adjiakonver, Grande Simba!

Suddenly a woman is mounted by a bull-mystere who moos loudly. This mystere is Belecou, but so overwhelming is he that he cannot remain very long. A Simbi loa, Ian Paka Pong'oue, possesses a wizened, gnarl-jointed man about sixty years old. The possession at first is violent. Simbi arrives and departs, his gestures stiff, angular, and bizarre. However, his grim expression softens whenever he greets someone he is fond of: the scowl on his face vanishes, the contractions of his jaws gradually cease. He gives the Pethro salute by striking hi$ elbows against the elbows of the other person, then hooks his little finger in the little finger of the other person to make him virer (tum around upon himself).

The houn'gan sprays the kiman over the arms of Simbi, and very tightly fastens on him a blood-red foulard. Flaming clamn is poured on the ground in front of the myshhe, who then stamps on it with great force. The mystere then takes his leave.

While the houn'gan and mambos were consecrating the bull, the houn'sihs were greeting Simbi with several songs, among them:

Papa Simbi Racine Coumande, Feuilles-non-bois,

ce moin-minme, Racine o o o o1 Simbi Ian DM:o, Racine ^u- mandei

Papa Simbi Racine Coumande. Leaves-in-the-woods, it is I. Racine, Oh, Oh, Qh, Ohl Simbi Ian ^to, Racine Cou- mandei

Feuilles-nan-bois. Leaves-in-the-woods,

ce nou-minme, Racine o o o o1 it is we, Racine, Oh. Oh, Oh, Oh!

Dieucifor summons his nephew, a young man about twenty years old, who he also allows to consecrate the bull despite the fact the latter is not a houn'gan. All at once the young man is mounted by a Simbi. the particular Simbi whom his family "serves." He looks utterly different; his perfectly ordinary peasant features become those of a young, fiery god, vigorous, yet somewhat fawn-like. With amazing agility he leaps upon the bull's back, remains there a moment. and then sinks back to the ground. He immediately tries again, and by leaning lightly with one hand on the animal, clears the obstacle. The bull rears, excited, and paws the ground with his hoof. A woman possessed by another Simbi leaps up in tum on the bull's neck and grasps its horns. The nrst Simbi jumps behind the second, and now both of them together straddle the menacing, foaming animal as he lowers his head and butts against the post with dull thuds, releaSing all his pent-up violence. Deafening cries of "Adjioh" and Bilolo" resound in the peristyle. In this way Simbi demonstrates his satisfaction with the offerings. However, Dieucifor is worried. He would like to temper somewhat the exuberant enthusiasm of the mysteres, for he is afraid to let them revel at will. Should they happen to untie the bull and lead it around the neighborhood, he might have a lot of trouble with the local authorities. So he prefers to use persuasion to get the Simbis to dismount before he orders them to depart.

The bull is untied and with powerful strides moves out of the peristyle, preceded by the flag-bearers under the direction of the swordbrandishing 1a place. Everyone is on his feet now. Confusion reigns as all join the procession moving behind the bull toward the gate where Simbi and Grand Chemin are to be greeted. Excitement increases. Flags wave and flap, embroidered pennants sparkling in the bright sun. La place makes the flag-bearers double step, reverse their pace, and circle around the tree-reposoirs in a whirl of satin flags. Quick flashes of light dart from his sword blade. The white-robed houn'sihs encircle the bull, exciting him with their songs and cries of "Adjioh" and "Bilol01"

After the salutation at the gate, the cortege returns on the double to the peristyle. From all over the neighborhood members of the cult leave their thatched houses to join the crowd. Three times they go around the peristyle on the outside, and then proceeding inside make a tum about the center-post. The heavy tramping of the hull can bo heard. The general excitement has reached its peak. Children join the adults to dance and squeal with delight. "Bilolo!" A passage is cleared. Everyone rushes in so as not to miss the spectacle.

The bull is lead to one end of the yard to the ritual spot where the bulls are always sacrificed. All of the audience who had joined in the mad procession, singing and dancing, form a large circle and intone a chant appropriate to the occasion, to the hammering, clanking accompaniment of the ogan:

Moin nan sang korali ouan-nie,

I am in the blood of korali ouan- nie,

Eh yeh!

I am in the blood of

Simbi Ian Dezo, Simbi Ian Paka.

Co and ask Jean-Pierre Pong'oue.

Yah, yeh, I am in the blood, hey!

En yel

Moin nan sang

Simbi Ian Dew, Simbi Ian Paka.

Allez mander Jean-Pierre Pong'- oue.

Ya ye, moin nan sang hei

The houn'sihs clap their hands in time, swaying to the music, while the official sacrificer slowly orients the knife, traces, a cross upon the bull, makes three feigned strokes, and finally, with a single thrust plunges in the blade just behind the neck. Almost at once the bull falls to his knees and dies in the midst of howling and screaming.

Mam'bo Miracia Tfeats The Sick

A sick man whose illness is considered very grave has just been brought to the oum'phor. He is a peasant from the great Cui de Sac Plain, a man in fairly comfortable circumstances, who frequently visits Port-au-Prince to take care of his affairs. He is a well-built fellow about thirty years old, apparently struck down in full health by a malady as sudden as it is violent. From the onset of the attack his family was worried, as his symptoms lead them to fear some supernatural intervention.

Consequently, one of the man's relatives hastened to pay a "visit" to the neighborhood houn'gan who, after laying out a few playing cards in a !aye, a Bat bamboo bark basket, revealed that certain dead spirits had been "sent" after the poor fellow and that he had been "given" to Baron Samedi, Lord of the Cemetery. Counter measures are most urgently required to forestall his death.

The members of his family got together and decided to ask Miracia, the mam'bo of La Saline, jf she would agree to "treat" the sick man. When Mirada understood what they wanted, she immediately referred the matter to her personal mysteres-in particular to Brise, the great "Work Chief" of her ourn'phor who, when consulted, promised to undertake the treatment.

After shaking her cockle-shells over the laye, Mirada informed the family that not merely one, but three dead spirits had been "sent," She also disclosed several other pertinent items of information. Accordingly, as soon as they had reached an understanding with the mam'bo about the projected treatment, the sick man was brought to the oum'phor; for if no treatment whatever had been attempted, he would surely have died.

That night he was laid out in the peristyle on a mat next to the center-post. He appeared extremely ill and was very nearly unconscious. He neither spoke nor moved, seemed abnormally weak, and had not eaten for fifteen days. The family brought all the items necessary for the ceremony to be performed in accordance with the mambo's instructions.

In the Caille-Guede. the inner chamber of the oum'phor dedicated to the loa Guede, a veve representing a coffin with handles on the sides was traced on the floor with ashes and coffee-grounds. The patient's measurements had previously been taken by means of a small knotted cord. Two small, old mats were oriented and placed upon the veve, completely covering it. Then the sign of the cross was made over the mats with ashes.

On a table three small couis were prepared containing a mixture of corn grains and roasted peanuts, and in the middle of each a small candle was set, on white, one yellow, and one black. Next to the couis was placed a bottle of clairin and a bottle of kimanga-a potent alcoholic ritual beverage, usually employed in the Pethro rite and varying in composition according to the tastes of the 10as for whom it is prepared. Under the table was placed a large coui and two gamelles containing a darkish bath liquid consisting of ox-gall and other ingredients.

At length, Maracia orders the patient to be brought in. First, however, his attendants are obliged to remove their clothes and put them on again inside out-an absolutely necessary precaution.

Nevertheless, the dead spirits arc apparently getting suspicious that steps are being taken to drive them away, for the moment the attendants try to bring in the patient, one of the spirits speaking through rus mouth declares that, do what they will, he will not depart; they will not succeed in driving him away; instead, he will grow even stronger. Those standing within earshot reply to the effect that "We'll see who's the stronger!"

Only with difficulty can they lift the sick man, even by supporting him below the anns. They nearly have to carry him on account of his extreme weakness. Now and then the voice of one of the spirits can be heard muttering defiance to the mam'bo. Clad in a long white nightshirt, the patient at length falteringly enters the Caille-Cuede and is made to recline on the mats covering the vevc. His head rests upon a large stone just at the foot of a large cross of black wood. His nightshirt is removed and he wears only a pair of white shorts. Not a word comes from his lips. His eyes are closed, or only half open, and totally without expression.

A white cloth is rolled into a bonde-machoire or chin-band, placed under his jaws and tied on top of his head as though he were a corpse. Another band, narrower, binds his two big toes together. His arms are stretched alongside his body, palms up.

His entire body is "crossed" with ashes. The small couis containing the burning candles are placed one at each shoulder and one at the feet. In another coui filled with roroli (sesame seeds) burns a bit of incense and asafoetida. The brownish stone belonging to Brise is placed in its white plate near the patient's head.

The small chamber serving as the Caille-Cue£M will scarcely hold a dozen people, inasmuch as the patient, stretched out in the center of the floor, occupies most of the space. An ancient lantern hangs on the wall, while a large taper set upon the masonry pC forming the base of the cross furnishes a dim, smokey light. Various wierd oh- jects on the pC can be seen in the shadows; other furniture forms a dark, indistinguishahle mass. Stones rubbed with oil reRect a dim gleam from the plate on which they repose. OccaSionally a row of bottles sparkles in a ray of light. Here and there several couis can be distingUished, decorated with the various attrihutes of the Barons and the Guedes-the skull and crossbones, the shovels, the picks and axes of the gravedigger painted white upon black with a few touches of gray or purple. On the wall hang the old clothes worn by the Guedes when they "mount" their "horses," A grotesque battered stovepipe hat perches crazily on a table next to a cigar.

A short Roman Catholic prayer is spoken by the mambO, followed by several others "offered" especially for the task at hand, as for example the prayer of St. Expeditus. Mirada always begins with the same words: "In the name of God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost. in the name of Mary. in the name of Jesus, in the name of all the saints, all the dead ...” She concludes by asking all the mysteres to lend their presence this evening "with God's pennis- sian," in order that He may grant success to her undertaking. When all the d;ohouns, or Voodoo mysteres of Guinee (Africa) have been thus called, a special invocation is pronounced in langage, addressed to certain of these mysteres more directly associated with the present task.

At the conclusion of the prayers, small piles of com and roasted peanuts, as well as the manger d;ior,-a ritual preparation consisting of bread, cassava, plantain, and the peelings of green plantains-are placed upon the abdomen, the chest, the forehead, and in the palm of each of the patient's hands. Miracia takes a chicken-a hen-of dark, variegated plumage, together with a yellowish-white coq frise. The two birds are oriented in tum, and then the hen is held in front of each small pile and encouraged to peck at it, moving from the pile on the right hand to that on the left, then to the abdomen, the chest, and the forehead. The same thing is done with the cock, while Miracia pronounces sotto voce the prescribed invocations. A huge red rooster-a splendid bird with marvellous spurs, such as is used only for this type of treatment-is brought in, oriented, and likewise placed before the little piles and induced to peck at them. However, he does this with such violence that the sick man starts up in fear when the bird reaches his forehead. Miracia reassures him of the beneficial treatment the sick always receive at her place: "My treatment won't make a 'martyr' of anybody." Nevertheless. just to play it safe, someone holds his hand over the patient's eyes. The red rooster is then placed between the man's legs, the head in his crotch, while the chicken and the coq frise are set side by side upon his chest, one on the right side, the other on the left, with their heads stretched out towards his middle.

More invocations and prayers both in langage and in Creole are spoken. Then the mam'bo gets up and takes the chicken in one hand and the coq "/rise in the other. She orients them, pronouncing the sacred words, and "passes" them somewhat brusquely over the sick man, almost touching him. During the entire operation she pronounces the prescribed words: Tout fa qui mauvais ce pour sarti, tout yo qui bon ce pour entre (All that is evil, depart; all that is good, enter). As a leit-motiv, the refrain repeats: Ente, te, te, tete, te . . .

The mam'bo has a curious habit of crossing and uncrossing the man's ^ros, all the while holding the chickens just above his body, but only touching or slightly grazing his skin. These movements are principally made over the chest, then over the entire torso, and finally down the length of the anns. From time to time the man starts up violently, but he is ordered to relax quietly and to keep his head on the stone. This order, however, is really addressed to the dead spirits who have taken their abode in his body as much as to the patient.

Tirelessly Miracia requests the mysteres to "release" the sick man and to "give him back his life," "with God's pennission." The name of Brise is cited in particular, as well as that of Aguroi-Linsou, who belongs to the Guede group of mysteres and who loves to "dance" in the mam'bo's head. Others invoked are Guede Nouvavou. Guede Houn- Sou, and Guede Mazaca. Interspersed among the names of these mysteres appear the names of various deceased members of the patient's family. called the "Danti" or chieftains of his race. The hen and the cock, separately and together, are then carefully passed over his entire body. After each passage the birds are held to one side away from the body and shaken, as though to remove whatever evil in8uence they may have absorbed from it.

The chickens are then placed upon the ground, and Miracia asks someone to hand her the coq frise, which she turns loose in the yard. People believe that this bird at a given moment mysteriously disappears, possibly within a few days. It is the first hen passed over the. sick man, however. which extracts the exorcised spirits. The coq-"/rise, on the other hand, removes the "lingering evil air."

Next, the three cOULs. in which the small candles have been burning since the beginning of the ceremony, are taken and passed one after the other over the patient from head to foot. They are moved over his forehead in a circle, and after they are placed on the ground again, the stone belonging to Brise is solemnly oriented and passed over the patient in the same manner. All the while Mirada continues the invocations with the recurring Ente, te, te, te, te ... The invocation to Brise spoken by the mam'bo is "by the power of Brise of the Mountain, Break-bones, Break-limbs, Neg cassa manbila hila congo, hila ^u- oimba. After these orders for Pethro. Man of the Tozin pool, Man at the Miragoane Bridge."

The mam'bo then goes to the basin containing the "bath liquid," takes as much of it as she can hold in her cupped hands, and with a quick, rough movement, fairly slaps it right at the sick man's head and face. This performance is repeated several times, the man starting up suddenly at the unexpected shower. He struggles, tries to raise his head, and growls dismally. An attendant forces him to lie still but the mam'ho remarks Ce pas faute li; ce pas li minm qu'ap fait fa; ce mort^a! (It's not his fault; he isn't the one who's doing that; it's the dead spirit.)

To keep this performance going several people in relays continue to thrash the sick man with water-his face, head, neck, and torso. They help him rise to a half-sitting position, the more easily to lash him with packets of leaves, bark, and roots soaked in a brownish liquid. Meanwhilc, the chinband falls off in the struggle. The cord that bound his two big toes together is loosed, and he is made to stand up. His whole body drips water. The fellow in charge of this part of the treatment is drenched in perspiration. The dead spirits trouble the man's body, making him start up suddenly; they grumble and howl as though beaten. The mam'bo keeps right on ordering them to depart, threatening to employ any and all means to drive them out. A piece of garlic is put in the patient's mouth. Soon a kind of quiet seems to descend upon him, yet he appears curiously distant. He falls back on the mat unconscious-the dead spirits have abandoned him.

Immediately the mambo leans over his recumbent figure and calls out his name over and over again with great energy: Geril! Groil! GreW Cd au? Cd au qui Ul? (Orvil! Orvil! Orvil! Is it you? Are you there?) Fnally a feeble moan and a scarcely perceptible "yes" can be heard. Instantly a confance takes the bottle of clairin and pours it over the stone of Brise which lies in a plate, setting it on fire. He takes this burning alcohol and passes it rapidly over the man's entire body. He is held up gently so that this medication can be more easily applied. Tiny bluish flames play over the confiance's hands but quickly flicker out as they come in contact with the patient's damp body. The mambo seizes the bottle of kimanga and sprays it out through her teeth several times over his body. After being vigorously massaged for a while, the patient appears to have regained a little strength. Most important of all: the expression on his face is completely different. His eyes have a weary look, but at any rate there is a human expression in them.

Mirada gives the signal to leave the Caille-GuMe and proceed several paces to the oum'phor yard where a large hole has been dug right next to the reposoirs. The trunk of a small, recently uprooted banana tree leans propped against another tree. It is about as tall as a man, and will be used to "redeem the patient's Ijfc"

The hole is encircled by a crown of seven small lamps made of oranges cut in half, scooped out, filled with castor oil, and furnished with a hand-twisted cotton wick. The three small couis are also brought out and arranged in the form of a triangle. The patient comes forth supported by the others, but appearing a little stronger than before. He is lowered into the hole in a standing position, facing towards the west, and holding the banana tree in his hands with the roots touching the ground at the bottom of the hole. The hen used earlier in the treatment is again passed over his entire body, while the mambo continues to utter the following invocations: "With the permission of God, the Saints, the Dead, by the power of Papa Brise, Mr. Aguroi-Linsou, Mr. Cuede Nibo, Mr. Guede Nouvavou, and All CuMes, I demand that you return the life of this man. I, mam'bo Ya- bofai. demand the life of this man. I buy for cash; I pay you; l owe you nothing!" The fonnulas in langage follow this invocation.

Next, Miracia takes the small couis one after the other, pours the contents in her hand, and rubs them over the man's body. They fall in the hole and remain there, and the couis are placed on the edge. She now takes a jug and qdckly pours its contents over the man's head, and, holding it by the neck. lowers it behind the man down as faI as the hole, breaks it with a solid blow, and lets the pieces fall into the hole.

Miracia then takes the hot oil from one of the small lamps in the hollow of her hand and rubs it on the patient. This action is repented with oil from each of four lamps, and during this part of the ceremony somebody out in the yard keeps cracking a whip.

The mam'bo takes the chicken, holds it tightly together by bending its head against its body, and places it in the hole down against the roots of the banana tree. Squatting down, all at once she shoves a great quantity of dirt into the hole, while the confiance, supporting the patient under the arms, lifts him out and sets him down again beside the hole. This act is accomplished very quickly, and without losing any time the hole is filled lip and the earth stamped down around the tree. The chicken is thus buried alive. Miracia never ceases to utter the necessary formulas designed to insure the success of the operation. The three remaining lamps arc placed in the form of a triangle around the tree.

Clairin is poured as it was previously in the Caille-Guede in the plate containing the stone of Brise. The stone is ignited and passed over the patient who is now standing several feet away from the hole. Three small piles of gunpowder are placed on the ground in the fonn of a triangle where the man is standing with feet spread apart. After the gunpowder is ignited, Mirada again "sprays" some kimanga over and around him to the four cardinal paints.

An undershirt, white with red patches, called a maldjoc, meaning "evil eye" or "bad luck," is produced, and a corner of it is twisted and slightly burned. Holding this roughened and scorched cloth in her hand Mirada traces several signs in the air before the face and body of the patient. She gives him the mald;oc to slip on. The long nightgown is handed to him before he is brought to the peristyle. He no longer needs to be supported, his walk is much steadier, and his eyes are brighter. A definite change has taken place in him.

In the peristyle a white handkerchief is knotted around his head in such a way as to cover it completely. His feet are washed, and he is given a very hot infusion of leaves to drink which had previously been prepared. Then he is told to lie down and keep well covered. The stone of Brise is placed under his pillow.

The next morning the patient felt much better. He was able to get up by himself and wash. He spoke, and asked for something to eat for the first time since his fifteen days' fast. He was given some tea and vegetable broth. For dinner he requested some potato pancakes and a red herring. A veritable resurrectionl

A patient under treatment should not, as a security measure, leave the oum'phor enclosure for any reason whatsoever, for he is not yet out of danger. The first hen that was, passed over his body during the treatment in the Caille-Guide removed the expeditions (the three dead spirits). The coq "/rise, which was passed over him next, took away the reste mauvais air (remaining evil air). The chicken which was buried alive at the foot of the banana tree, together with the tree itscU, is supposed to have racheter (redeemed) the man's life. Baron Samedi, chief loa of the cemetery, had been asked to graciously accept this exchange of lives. But it was the Power, given through her Knowledge (connaissance), that enabled the mam'bo to induce this mystere to accept the barter.

If the man is to survive, the tree dies. If the tree lives, the man will probably die, the bargain having been refused. The veve which was traced on the floor of the Caille-Gtddi cannot be swept away until the man departs, cured or dead.

Ceremony of the Bark of Agoueh

A smal1 boat is prepared, loaded with al1 kinds of food and drink offerings preferred by the mystere Agoueh. A watch is maintained all through the night in the oum'phor by houn'sihs, mambos, hOlln'gans, and houn'tor-guis. The following day at early dawn it is loaded onto a truck which transports it, together with the oum'phor personnel and with drums, a trumpet, ritual flags, assons, the ritual flour for the veves, the ritual machete of la place, candles, and other articles, to a beach or to some spot near the shore. There the boat is carefully loaded with everything that is going to be offered in sacrifice to the mystere. A ceremony is held rapidly, after which a series of veves is traced making a ring around the boat. The trumpet sounds, accompanied by drums and seashells used as horns. The flags, carried by the houn'sihs co-drapeaux (flag-bearers) and lead by ]a place anned with his machete, salute both the ship and its cargo after being oriented to the four cardinal points. A houn'gan carries the loaded boat upon his head down to another boat on the shore in which everybody embarks. The boat hoists anchor to the sound of drums, ritual chants, trumpet, and seashells, and heads out to sea.

Meanwhile a houn'gan lights an oil lamp made in a white cup, the favorite color of Agoueh, which he places in the center of the bark at the time of embarkation. The customary prayers are recited. The most important member of the ceremony is without doubt the one upon whom most of the attention has been paid since leaving the oum'phor, namely a snow-white sheep. The sheep is also placed on board the boat, and while the prayers are recited preparations are made to offer this sheep to the mystere of the sea, Maitre Agoueh R O-yo, by casting it into the sea along with the bark, a pair of white pigeons, and a pair of white chickens. which the houn'sihs have constantly been waving in the air all during the sailing.

The ritual bark is traditionally sent off to 1M. It is there that the sheep and bark, pigeons and chickens are thrown into the sea at the moment when the drums and the houn'sihs go into a state of hallucinations and mystic frenzy. Then the bark returns from He. During all the passage, the mam'bo who offers the sacrifice remains standing and leaning on the single mast facing the prow of the boat and agitating symbolically and magically the ritual oar of the Voodoo mystere. At no moment do the drums cease to beat. Upon returning, the ceremony is completed on the shore.

A Calendar of Voodoo Ceremonies

The following calendar of ceremonies primarily concerns the Voodoo seen in Port-au-Prince and its environs, because all the regions of Haiti do not practice Voodoo in the same manner when it comes to considering the differences in ritual of a single region. Just so, Voodoo is fundamentally the same everywhere, differences being due to the African groups that practice it To all intents and purposes, these differences make it almost impossible to devise a Voodoo calendar with complete accuracy. For where a particular oum'phor in Arcahaie will hold a service traditionally set, for example, on June 15th, for the mys- tere Grande Aloumandia, the same mystere might be "served" at Leo- gane on May 2nd. The following table is therefore compiled from the elements of several oum'phors in order to give a general idea of Voodoo feasts:

Janwry

2, 3, 4 Case gateaux (Breaking the cakes), a communal fonn of manger-loa

6 Les Rois (The Kings)

February

25 Manger tetes d'l'eau (Ritual feeding of springs)

March

16 Lake Davi (Eating of the ritual wood and of its guard)

19 Saint Joseph (Expression of the jurisdiction of Legba)

20 Legba Zaou (Eating consists mainly of a black goat and of banones laudanne)

April

27 Dan Wedo, Clermeille

29 Casse canarie (Breaking the jugs: deliverance of the souls from purgatory)

31 Mange-Ies-morts (Feeding the dead: The managers eros are offered to the jugs or jars in which the souls are supposed to reside and where they eat; subsequently the manger cuits are offered them, particularly gombo or okra. moussah. Carib-cabbage)

May

12 Feeding of different loas

18 Feeding of Grande Aloumandia

20, 21 SimOi blanc

30 Chante-messes (Sung masses in the Roman Catholic Churches), Martinique dances, Bamboches

June

Saint John

M'sieu Guimeh Sauveur; Mystere Ge Agoum' Tonnerre; Table served for Maitresse Erzulie, Maitresse Tenaise.

Maitrcsse Mam'bo (common table)

July

Papa OgOll (alias Saint James the Greater), to whom is offered particularly sheep and goats

Grande Saint Anne (alias Mystere Grande Delai and Grande Aloumandia; common table)

Maitrcsse Silverinc. who only very slightly tastes of the food offered to her

Maitresse Lorvana. who smells Howers for her nourishment

August

Communion table for Dan Wedo (alias Saint Louis, King of France)

O-Dan; L'Orient, onc of the most important mysteres.

Aga-on (Offerings: particularly goats, peppers, peppermint)

September

Rei Wangol; Mou50ndi

Manman Aloumandia

Maitresse Delai (A very important myshhe who "walks" with the hountor: the voodoo tambourine player)

October

30, 31 Singing masses in the Roman Catholic Churches Communion table

Martinique Dance

Armchair ritually covered with 30 or 40 sc^es of different colors. exposed in the peristyle and "served"

November

1, 2 Bamboches for the Guede myshires; the dead who come out of the cemeteries, possess their "horses," and come into the oum'phors to amuse themselves in the form of souls incarnated or reincarnated

25 Manger-yam (Eating the yams)

D^ecember

10 Ganga-Bois

12. 13, 14 Agouch R Oyo (Feeding the sea)

25 Bath of Christmas

Leaf-rubbing (for medical treatments and talismans for magic protection)

Ritual sacrifices of pigs and goats

Bonfires (boucans) for amusement, to which the loas come to bathe themselves and their proteges

Sacrifice of turkeys for Caplaou