A is for Authentic - B is for Bauhaus, Y is for YouTube: Designing the Modern World from A to Z (2015)

B is for Bauhaus, Y is for YouTube: Designing the Modern World from A to Z (2015)

I have a green fishtail parka that I bought in a shop on a backstreet by a canal in Milan. It was hanging on a rack, alongside a couple of elderly flying suits, a selection of brand-new khaki vests, and some second-hand cargo pants. It is the coat - sometimes called the snorkel because it comes with a built-in fur-trimmed hood - that the American army wore to the Korean War. I wanted it because the cuffs are held in place by strips of webbing and slightly chipped green buttons, because it has a detachable rust-coloured quilted nylon lining, and because it has a complicated stock number with a narrative description of the garment, and its function instead of a maker’s brand name on the label.

The fact that it had been worn by at least one previous owner, and probably several others, before me did not detract from its charm. It has a heavy brass zip and popper studs, details that are too costly to have been specified by any but a military user free of the usual budget constraints of retailing.

I grew up in the same west London suburb that produced the Who, but I was not a mod. I wear my parka now, not because I feel nostalgic about teenage memories of the mirror-decked Vespa that I never had, but because every time I pull the zip with the six-inch-long green braided cord, designed to be used in conditions that would be unendur-ably cold without gloves, I have a sense of the thoughtfulness that went into every detail. The parka seems like a garment beyond fashion, yet it is a category that has clearly taken a conspicuous place in the language of fashion. The parka is far removed from its Inuit origins and its subsequent military incarnation, so much so that it now carries multiple mutually contradictory meanings. It is both authentic and self-conscious, the sign of a youthful hipster, and an ageing museum director.

I wear it to the embarrassment of my family, who find it a little unseemly. I wear it because it seems somehow ‘real’. But for all I know, the authenticity that attracted me in the first place could have been lovingly and inventively faked.

‘Authenticity’ is a word that makes no promises about performance. It might not necessarily involve beauty, but it does suggest an irresistible combination of sincerity with authority. In the world of mass-produced objects, these are highly desirable qualities. Even if they are slippery and hard to define, grasping them is essential to an understanding of the nature of design.

Authenticity is a guarantee that an object really is what it purports to be. The more authentic it is, the more secure we can feel about its price, if not its value. But when factories make large numbers of identical objects over long periods of time, a gap opens up between what might be called the original and the authentic. Sometimes authenticity is understood as the degree to which an artefact succeeds in replicating the bloom of the factory-fresh perfection that a mass-produced object has when it is new, but which it quickly loses in use. In other contexts, authenticity is measured by the degree to which the physical remains of an object have survived, no matter how decayed they have become. Along with patina, holy relics acquire a sense of sanctity over time. The decayed remains of an ancient chair are regarded as more authentic than a polished but fake whole. Authenticity can have mutually contradictory definitions. It can be found in the making of a faithful replica of what an object once was, or in the careful maintenance of what that object has become as the result of the passing of time.

The outputs of the Bugatti car factory in the Alsace between 1909 and 1940, or those, slightly later, of Jean Prouvé’s furniture workshops in Nancy, are as highly prized as works of art. As a result, they are just as much the target of fakers and forgers.

Ettore Bugatti kept careful records of exactly how many cars he built, month by month. Even so, the price that the real thing now commands has ensured that it is not just Bugatti’s wrecks and write-offs that are being ‘authentically’ restored. Entirely new cars have come into being, many of which are now passed off as originals. Sometimes they have fragments of authentic cars incorporated into them, fragments that might carry an original chassis number. But the body, the seats and most of the mechanical parts are either new or else have been salvaged from another car. In either case, they look just like the cars that were made in Bugatti’s day, and have been restored using the same techniques and skills. It’s not because they are essentially new that they are fakes in the eyes of the specialists, it is because they are missing that vital chassis number, or because the number has already been used on a car with better provenance.

The argument about the nature of authenticity applies to buildings too. The issue here is more a reflection of cultural values than it is of price. In Japan, the Ise Grand Shrine is rebuilt plank by plank, at twenty-year intervals, yet is understood as retaining its original spirit, even if every piece of timber that goes into it is new. In Western Europe, authentic restoration has a different meaning. Rather than make old buildings look new, and so diminish the significance of the authentically old, William Morris and the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings campaigned for less drastic forms of restoration. They wanted new work to look like what it was, and not to pretend that it was something it was not, which is to say, old.

George Gilbert Scott set about a campaign to rebuild Britain’s cathedrals as he thought they ought to have been, rather than repair what they had become. He was pitting one version of authenticity against its mirror opposite. He was ready to demolish genuine Perpendicular additions to Early English structures, and to replace them with his version of what he believed would have been built had the eleventh-century architects ever got around to finishing what they had started.

By the time Scott got to Tewkesbury, his scorched-earth version of authenticity had at last provoked his opponents to set up SPAB to try to stop him. The approach that they proposed has set the ground rules for an intellectually engaged approach to restoration ever since. But it still has to convince some people. When the Design Museum brought one of Jean Prouvé’s prefabricated Maisons Tropicales to London, we found that it had been restored so ruthlessly that a bullet hole in one of the doors was the only visible proof that it wasn’t a brand-new structure. The house had been acquired by an American collector from a French antique dealer who had tracked it down to Brazzaville. The dealer persuaded the previous owner to sell and cleaned it up with such vigour that there was little sign of what the house had been through.

It is an approach shared by many car collectors who treat restoration as if it were a surgical facelift, preferring the glossy sheen of perfection rather than letting any traces of age show through. They inject the bonnet with the heritage equivalent of Botox.

In the case of the kind of furniture designed by the pioneers of modernism, definitions of authenticity are even harder to pin down. Mies van der Rohe, Le Corbusier and Marcel Breuer all claimed to have been motivated by the democratic potential of mass production and the abolition of handwork. Their designs were made in various factories during their lifetimes, each producing objects that were a little different from earlier versions. The rights to produce ‘authentic’ versions of their designs were bought and sold, sometimes several times, and in some cases passed out of any control. Faced with multiple versions of an original design, the question of which of them is the most authentic is not easily answered, especially when some of these versions were made in tens or even hundreds of thousands.

An authentic example of a chaise longue attributed to Le Corbusier, Charlotte Perriand and Pierre Jeanneret, for instance, might be understood to be restricted to one of the number made during their lifetimes, under their direct supervision. Alternatively it could be one made today that is licensed by the Fondation Le Corbusier, the official guardian of the architect’s archive, and the owner of some of his copyrights. But there are also unauthorized versions of his chairs, for which no royalties are paid to the copyright holders, that are more faithful to what they once looked like than are the present-day official versions. The variations between them can be substantial. The cushions are stuffed with foam rather than the original feathers. The standard diameters of steel tube have changed since the 1920s. As a result, manufacturers who produce a version with new steel, with foam cushions and a foot detail that is not the same as the one that was used in the 1920s, can still prosecute those who use authentic materials but do not have the legal right to the design. Authenticity in this context is a guarantee of legitimacy and of price rather than of always following the original intentions of the designer.

And what if the designers were still alive, and had consented to modify a design to take account of contemporary production methods? Would it be their first or second idea that was the more authentic? It’s a dilemma that faces a few architects, such as Norman Foster and Richard Rogers, who find that their early work is now officially protected from unauthorized alterations by the listing process. They have to apply for permission from English Heritage to make changes to their own work.

Art asks questions about the nature of authenticity that are no less tortuous. So much so that authenticity itself has become a key subject matter for art. Artists constantly play with appropriating images from mass culture, and then from each other’s works that are based on those appropriated images. The Warhol Foundation, established by the artist’s executors after his death, acted for many years as a contemporary version of the Spanish Inquisition, setting up an Authentication Board that deliberated on which works purported to be by Warhol were actually to be considered authentic and those which failed the test. Those judged to pass as devout after having been shown the instruments were admitted to the canon. Those that failed were returned to their supplicant owners, stamped with the fatal word ‘DENIED’. It was a practice that provoked more than one lawsuit protesting that the foundation was maintaining the value of its own holdings of work by Warhol by limiting supply from other sources. Defending itself against the legal challenges eventually proved so costly that the foundation abandoned its authenticating role. The art critic Richard Dorment published a very damaging attack on the foundation in the New York Review of Books in which he demonstrated that the board had authenticated works which it had previously rejected to allow them to be sold as genuine.

For an artist, authenticity is a question about the very nature of things. In Stockholm’s Moderna Museet there is a room with a multiple-Marilyn image on one wall, and a stack of Brillo boxes in the opposite corner. Nobody doubts that the Marilyns are Warhol’s work. The boxes’ authenticity is less clear. The caption says in two languages that they are by Warhol, and were donated by Pontus Hulten, the museum’s founding director, but that in itself is enough to raise questions.

Hulten was one of the most influential curators of the second half of the twentieth century, responsible not just for the establishment of the Moderna Museet, but also of the Pompidou Centre in Paris, and the Museum of Contemporary Art in Los Angeles. He gave Warhol his first major European exhibition in 1968, and these Brillo boxes are some of its most highly contested results. Hulten claimed they were first shown in the exhibition that he curated in Sweden, but his detractors say they were made just afterwards. They are not the same Brillo boxes that Warhol had made for the Stable Gallery in New York in 1964, when he copied actual Brillo boxes to make a point about repetition. It would have been too expensive to ship them from America, so according to Hulten the 1968 exhibit featured Swedish-made copies of Warhol’s New York copies of real Brillo boxes, authorized by Warhol, alongside 500 cardboard cartons acquired from Brillo as props. But when the exhibition travelled to other venues, Hulten made further Brillo boxes without telling Warhol. It is examples of these versions that appeared on the art market after Hulten’s death, causing something of a scandal. Were they authentic fakes of an authentic fake of an authentic fake, or were they fakes of an authentic fake of an authentic fake? What was especially troubling for Hulten’s admirers was the possibility that his, at best morally questionable, action had undermined the power of Warhol’s original idea, though Hulten had done so much to promote the artist.

Across the corridor from the Brillo boxes is another gallery with four works on the walls. Not only do they look like Warhol’s work they were made using the same silk screens that Warhol’s assistants used, the same inks, and the same techniques. But in fact they are acknowledged as the work of Elaine Sturtevant, the American artist who has made her entire career out of appropriating the work of other artists.

Sturtevant, by declaring her work as not being by Warhol, is establishing that her work is neither a fake, nor a tribute, but is an assault on the whole quasi-moralistic idea of authenticity, with its connotations of the legitimacy of birth in wedlock. Warhol himself sometimes referred questions about his techniques to Sturtevant, suggesting that she knew as much about them as he did.

With mass production, the point is usually not one of originality, but of what is fake and what is not. There are plenty of stalls in Shanghai or Shenzhen where you can find alleged Rolex wristwatches complete with impressive-looking authenticating holograms that crumble the first time you try the winding mechanism. There are what look something like Apple iPods but which are not produced in the Shenzhen factory that assembles those sold by the company Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak started in 1976. More worrying for Apple was the way in which Samsung was able to replicate not just the iPhone but also the iPad. Apple claimed that they are copyright infringements, rather than fakes.

For a designer, authenticity has taken on a paradoxical aspect. An authentic design might be understood as a design which is more than merely not a fake. It is also an object which is unselfconscious, one which is not shaped by a desire to please or to seduce. This is a quality which depends on responding with a certain sincerity to the practical questions that are raised by providing a serviceable solution to a technical problem. Yet design is a highly self-conscious business, one that can barely help itself but attempt to manipulate the emotions. The very involvement of a designer in the creation of an object militates against this kind of authenticity. Design cannot but have the most knowing of views of the world. Even to acknowledge that a designer is pursuing the quality of authenticity is to undermine that objective. Striving for authenticity signals its antithesis.

The Bugatti name is in the hands of Volkswagen, a company which uses the brand for exceptionally expensive two-seater sports cars, built in tiny numbers, in sharp distinction to its primary business of making cars in their millions for a mass audience. The associations with elegantly engineered cars from the past give Bugatti’s horseshoe-shaped radiator grille and the red-and-white enamel badge a value for Volkswagen. They add distinction to its range, but these are no more ‘authentic’ Bugattis than the Bentleys which are also made in a factory owned by Volkswagen are ‘authentic’ Bentleys in the sense that the original company would have understood them in the 1920s.

During the civil strife in the Britain of the 1980s, the Metropolitan Police became concerned enough about how they were perceived by the public to look to designers for help in presenting themselves in a more sympathetic way. While the Home Secretary ordered the police to reconsider their racial-profiling strategies, one of the more daring members of New Scotland Yard’s senior staff went to Wolff Olins, the same brand consultancy that had given a building company called Bovis a hummingbird for a logo, and which had designed the look of petrol stations and budget airlines, for help. At the time, it was a much more transgressive idea than it is today, now we are all customers rather than passengers.

The most visible result of their work was to take the font that the police had used to write their name, and to recast it in what appeared to be a hand-drawn style. Moving from the sharply delineated edges of Times Roman, a serif font with its roots in a stonemason’s chisel, cutting travertine, to a vulnerable-looking brushstroke, could certainly be described as softening the look of the word ‘police’ painted on the door of a riot-squad van. By itself it is unlikely to have made police officers any more sensitive in their approach to patrolling the streets of Brixton. To critics of the police, it was a cynical attempt at camouflage, an inauthenticity of the most blatant kind. Painting squad cars pink might have done more to change the organization’s self-image and the public’s perception of the police that drove them. Putting police officers on bicycles rather than in patrol cars has gone much further in changing their interactions with the world than the identity project achieved.

Designers cannot help themselves. The harder they try to achieve authenticity, the more they drive it out. But the quality fascinates them. They look for it everywhere, from their collections of supposedly undesigned vernacular objects accumulated on their travels around the globe, to their lust for high-performance sports equipment. They look for it in the way the knobs and dials that Leica devised to control their cameras are shaped, or in the form of the pistol grip of an AK-47. They use these clues as precedents to inform their own work. They obsess like fetishists over the most intricate details of weaponry and the buckles and Velcro fastenings on military uniforms. These are examples of design shorn of the sell factor, as it is sometimes described. When price is no limit, and choices are made not by consumers, but by expert specialists, then objects take on a different character. The equipment adopted by climbers to scale Everest, the materials developed for use in military aircraft and weapons and in medical equipment for surgeons provide an image bank for designers of all kinds. These are objects rich in the kind of visual signals that shape their imaginations. When Sony wanted to give its consumer electronics a hint of the high performance of professional equipment in the 1980s, it adopted a range of visual cues to do the job. There was olive drab moulded plastic with integral carrying handles, and toggle switches that did all that they could to suggest the no-nonsense quality of military equipment. And there was brushed aluminium to create a slightly suaver version of the same idea.

When car designers wanted to produce cars that looked rugged, they explored the off-road signals that denoted Jeeps and early Land Rovers. They styled vehicles to look as if they had not been styled. They made functional mannerisms into a form of decoration. The transformation of the Humvee - once known as the high-mobility multipurpose wheeled vehicle - into the Hummer was another demonstration of the continuing appeal of the real.

Authenticity for a designer is a quality that comes from attempting to understand how design communicates a sense of sincerity, and then faking it. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the field of graphic design. Gotham is a typeface designed by the American typographer Tobias Frere-Jones, initially in response to a commission from the American edition of GQ, the fashion glossy for men, for a font that could give the magazine a sharp new look.

Frere-Jones’s former company, Hoefler & Frere-Jones, describes Gotham’s origins in its sales catalogue in loving detail which betrays the artifice that lies behind it.

Every designer has admired the no-nonsense lettering of the American vernacular, those letters of paint, plaster, neon, glass and steel that figure so prominently in the urban landscape. Gotham celebrates the attractive and unassuming lettering of the city. Public spaces are teeming with handmade sans serifs that share the same underlying structure, an engineer’s idea of ‘basic lettering’ that transcends both the characteristics of their materials, and the mannerisms of their craftsmen. These are the cast bronze numbers outside office buildings that speak with authority, and the engravings on cornerstones whose neutral and equable style defies the passage of time. They’re the matter-of-fact neon signs that announce liquor stores and pharmacies, and the proprietors’ names painted majestically on the sides of trucks. These letters are straightforward and non-negotiable, yet possessed of great personality, and always expertly made. Gotham is that rarest of designs, the new typeface that somehow feels familiar. Gotham inherited an honest tone that’s assertive but never imposing, friendly but never folksy, confident but never aloof.

These are precisely the qualities that Barack Obama’s team were looking for when the campaign for his first presidency got underway in 2008. You could see the Gotham font on his banners at the Democratic convention, with their boldface promises of ‘Change We Can Believe In’, as a deliberate attempt to convey those qualities.

Obama wanted to appeal to the values of a vanished America. Gotham is the font that reflects what was used by the New Deal when the Hoover Dam was built. It is the font of the New York Parkway system, and the law courts and federal buildings of the 1930s. It is a signal of an America that engaged with the world, and which believed it could make that world better. When the font that inspired Gotham was young, America was actually building dams, high schools and national parks. Obama’s programme could not run that far, but his typography gave America a subliminal message about itself. A message that could be understood as reflecting an awkward mismatch between substance and presentation. But at least Obama’s use of Gotham had a genuine political agenda. He wanted what he was promising to be real, even if he could not make it so. Idealism is not so clearly a part of the personality of Starbucks, or of Crest toothpaste, who have both put Gotham to work in the wake of Obama’s first victory.

When Gotham is used by an inspirational politician with a gift for oratory, the qualities it is understood to reflect are being underpinned and reinforced. When it is adopted by coffee-shop chains, those qualities are undermined and diluted because in the end the qualities of any typeface come from the associations that it triggers, rather than any inherent meaning.

Frere-Jones himself has used the metaphor of clothes for fonts. Perhaps it is true that clothes do need to be suited to the personality of the wearer, but it is also possible that they serve as a form of disguise. Another way to look at fonts would be to consider them in the same way we understand an accent. Some fonts and some accents are associated with authority; others are not.

The uses of the Gotham font went from Obama’s vision of hope to the cynical expression of commercial self-interest.

It was not the first time that typography had gone through this kind of transition. In the last years of the Soviet Union, when Western distilleries had been producing vodka with glossy labels and slick packaging for decades, there was a sudden interest in the commercial uses of authenticity. Instead of the evocations of double-headed eagles that had decked Smirnoff’s labels, it became a fad to give vodka manufactured in Warrington and New Jersey the appearance of a more authentically contemporary Russian origin. That meant crude, rather than slick. Colour printing out of register came to be seen as a sign of authenticity, and so of quality, rather than its opposite.

Stolichnaya, once the property of the Soviet state, had its proletarian roots signified by a label that was resolutely un-glossy, not embossed with gold foil, and embellished with nothing more seductive than an image of the factory in which it was made. Pretty soon it became the model for every supermarket own brand, which set out with the utmost artfulness to replicate the artless authenticity of a label untouched by marketing skills and which was just a little imperfect.

This phenomenon is not confined to two-dimensional typography. A carefully contrived version of authenticity is at its most pronounced in the design of the interior world. We live much of our lives on a sequence of stage sets, modelled on dreamlike evocations of the world that we would like to live in rather than the world as it is.

I am sitting in a relatively new restaurant, not far from London’s Strand. It is named for a once celebrated, now obscure and long-dead motorcar marque, the Delaunay-Belleville. The automobile backstory is something of a nervous tic for the proprietors, who have previously enjoyed considerable success with another restaurant on Piccadilly named after the Wolseley car showroom that it had once been, and went on to start yet another named - for reasons that can only be whimsical - after the Zedel, one of the few cars manufactured in Switzerland

The Delaunay looks as if it first opened its doors a century ago. With its elderly clock, its black-and-white patterned floor and its felt curtains positioned just inside the entrance doors to protect against a howling central European gale, it is a remarkably faithful recreation of something that never quite existed. For a moment, the illusion that we are in a Viennese coffee house, somewhere just off the Stephansplatz, is complete. It brings the nuanced pleasure of imagining that we have stepped inside from the black-market cold of Harry Lime’s Vienna under four-power occupation, if not to the Vienna of the brilliant café conversations of Adolf Loos and Robert Musil. In a London in which table talk is about anything but philosophy, the Delaunay is a chance to play at being intellectuals. It’s a theatre in which we can toy with the idea that the rituals of everyday life have more significance than, in truth, we suspect that they really do. It’s an infinitely more modest version of the kind of escapist solace that the Indian domes of the Brighton Pavilion gave a Prince Regent without throne or empire.

The Delaunay is a particularly vivid demonstration of what eating out has become: a vicarious experience of how we would like other people’s lives to look. Once, all the way back in 1973, it was Midwestern truck stops and dust-bowl diners that inspired the enthusiasm for authentic hamburgers, Rolling Rock and home fries throughout the world. Self-conscious restaurant interiors used to serve as signals of ethnicity; paper lanterns suggested Asian cuisine, zinc tables were associated with steak frites. Now the range of archaeologically precise reconstructions of particular times and places has detached itself from the specifics of food. In New York, and in London, you can find such extreme examples as Balthazar, a lovingly authentic recreation of a Parisian brasserie circa 1924, with its distressed mirrors, its elaborate gilded lettering, its marble-topped counters. Except there is no blue haze of Disque Bleu smoke in either place, and the food is standard North American restaurant fare.

This is several steps beyond the fantasyland Englishness of Ralph Lauren’s Rhinelander Mansion store on Madison Avenue, where wooden toys, cricket bats, rowing boats and picture frames were shipped across the Atlantic by the container load to festoon every square inch of the interior. Lauren went on to develop another dreamland, not so much new money masquerading as old but, in the shape of the Double RL brand, new money masquerading as old poor. It’s a brand designed to give his customers the feeling that they are salt-of-the-earth ranch hands, wearing garments with every button a clasp, and every seam doublereinforced. They are sold in carefully crafted urban outlets that have been lovingly kitted out with salvage sourced from the backlots of vintage pick-up-truck America.

It is the same hallucinatory quality that you get sitting in the Café Delaunay where the illusion of authenticity involves more than one of the senses; taste as well as sight. A bite of the Wiener schnitzel, or the bratwurst, is enough to convince those with first-hand experience of Vienna, yet the bubble bursts when it becomes clear that the waiter, though willing enough, has never set foot in Austria, and has not the faintest idea that his surroundings are inviting him to play a part.

The memory of what Vienna’s metropolitan culture had once been lingers in the dreams of London restaurateurs. Adolf Loos’s American Bar in Vienna, completed in 1908, with its sadomasochistic precision and restraint, has the quality of reality rather than the Delaunay’s knowing authenticity. Yet Loos was dreaming of elsewhere too; what else could an American bar at the heart of the Austro-Hungarian empire be but a mirage? It was authentic, but it wasn’t necessarily real. It’s authentic in its artistic sincerity. Loos designed an original vision that he believed in, rather than a paraphrase of the work of others, and that can be the only measure of real authenticity.